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J'ROM A Pl'INCl I, SKKTaH BY C OL. Tl-^ tJ MB UUL 






M E M O I E 



COL. BENJAMIN TALLMADGE, 



|lrcp;irciJ bn J)iinsdf, at l^c Juqutst of Ms (Lljilbmt. 



"N e \u ¥ V fe : 

THOMAS nOI.MAX, POOR AND JOB riUNTER, COKNUl OF CENTRK AND WHITK STKiLT?. 

1858. 



.-5/^ 



' OX 



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PREFACE. 



The following Memoir of Colonel Benjamin Tall- 
MADciE was prepared by himself, at the request of his 
chil(h'cn, and for their gratification. It is confined, 
j)rinc'i}):illy, to those incidents of the Revolutionary 
A\';ir with which he was more immediately connected, 
and therefore becomes the more interesting to his 
descendants and family friends. 

For their convenience, and for the additional pur- 
pose of contributing to the authenticity of our Revo- 
lutionary History, I determined to publish this Memoir ; 
and. as it terminates with the close of the Revolution- 
ary struggle,^! have added a brief sketch of his subse- 
quent life. 

As a fi'ontispiece. I liave placed an engraved copy 
of a pencil sketch of my father, made by Colonel 
John Tiumbull, soon after the close of the Revolu- 
tionary AVar, and which he presented to me, in frame, 
a few years before that venerated patriot's death. 

I need not say how nuich I appreciate his kindness, 
in furnishing me with so spirited a sketch of my ven- 



erable ancestor, as well as the pride that is awakened 
and gratified, by receiving it from one of the Aids 
of Washington, and the companion-in-arms of my 
father, 

F. A. TALLMADGE. 

Nciv York, November IQth, 1858. 



M E M O I K. 



Tlic subject of tliis memoir "svas born at Brookliaven, on 
Long Island, in Sufl'olk county, State of New York, on the 
25th of February, 1754. His fatlicr, the Rev. Benjamin Tall- 
maclLTC, was the settled minister of that place, having married 
Miss Susannah Smith, the daughter of the Rev. John Smith, of 
White Plains, Westchester county, and State of New York, 
on the IGth of May, 1750. I remember my grandparents very 
well, having visited them often when I was young. Of their 
pedigree I know but little, but have iicard my grandfather 
Tallmadge say that his father, with a brother, left England 
together, and came to this country, one settling at East Hamp- 
ton, on Long Island, and the other at Branford, in Connecticut. 
^[y father descended from the latter stock. My father was 
born at New Haven, in this State, January 1st, 1725, and 
graduated at Yale College, in the year 1747, and was ordained 
at Brookhavcn, or Setauket. in the year 1753, where he remain- 
ed during his life. He died at the same place on the 5th of 
Fcl)ruary, 1786. My mother died April 21st, 1768, leaving 
the following children, viz. : 
William Tallmaih-.h. born October 17, 1752, died in the 

British prison, 177(). 
vj-o Bexjamix Tallmadgh, born February 25, 1754, wlio writes 
(|J^±*^=i^ln) memoranda. 

Samukl Tallmadce, born November 23, 1755, died April 1, 

1825. 
John Tallmadge. born September 19, 1757, died February 24, 

1823. 
Isaac Tallmaixjk, born February 25, 1762. 

My honored father married, for his second wife. Miss Zippo- 
rah Strong. January 3rd, 1770, by whom he had no children. 



Having', from childhood, exhibited an eager desire for learn- 
ing, my father determined to give me the opportunity to obtain 
a liberal education, and as he was preparing a number of boys 
for college, he placed me as a student among them, and when I 
was twelve years old, I had acquired such a knowledge iu 
classical learning, that President Dagget, on a visit to my 
father, examined and admitted me as qualified to enter college, 
when I was twelve or tliirtcen years old. My father deemed 
it improper for me to go to college so young, and, therefore, 
kept me at home until tlie Autumn of 1769, when I became a 
member of Yale College. 

Being so well versed in the Latin and Greek languages, I 
had not mucli occasion to study during the two first years of 
my collegiate life, which I have always thought had a tendency 
to make me idle, when, if I had rightly improved my time, it 
would have afforded me an opportunity for improvement in 
other sciences. 

It, however, served to induce me to Demi's bounty, which I 
should have been a candidate for, had not the measles Avholly 
prevented me from studying during a part of my junior and 
senior years. 

At the commencement of 1773, 1 took my first degree, having 
had an honorable appointment by the President, the Rev. Dr. 
Dagget, to speak publicly on the occasion. 

Having had an application to superintend the High School in 
Weathcrsfield, then about to become vacant by the retirement 
of David Humphreys, Esq., I accepted the same, and repaired 
to that place for the purpose. I was very much gratified and 
pleased, both with my employment and the people, and con- 
tinued there until tlie commencement of the revolutionary war. 
When first American blood was shed at Lexington by t"lie 
British troops, and again repeated mucli more copiously at 
Bunker's Kill, near Boston, the whole country seemed to be 
electrified. Among others, I caught the flame which was thus 
spreading from breast to breast, and mounted my horse to go 
and see what was going on near Boston. I soon found my 
friend, Capt. Chester, of Weathcrsfield, who had been at 
Bunker's Hill, in the late conflict. He first intimated to me 



the idea of joining the army. Althoii,f>:h I was sufTicicntly 
ardent to be pleased, and even elated with such a prospect, yet 
nothinj^ was further from my intention at tliat time than to have 
entered upon a military life. 

While I was at Cambridge with my military friends, I was 
continually importuned to think of the oppression which was 
so abundantly exhibited by the British government towards 
the Colonies, until I finally became entirely devoted to the 
cause in Avhich my country was compelled to engage. I finally 
began to think seriously of putting on the uniform, and returned 
to Wcathersficld full of zeal in the cause of my country. After 
my return to Connecticut, the prospect of peace and reconcilia- 
tion appeared to be almost hopeless, and the country began to 
think seriously of raising an army to oppose the British troops 
wherever they should be located. Congress apportioned to the 
then Colonies their several quotas of troops, and the State of 
Connecticut, by their legislature, resolved to raise their propor- 
tion of men. in the year 1776, for the campaign of 1776. 

Capt. Chester, before mentioned, was appointed a colonel. 
and he immediately offered me the commission of a lieutenant, 
with the appointment of adjutant to his regiment. My feelings 
had been so much excited, that I was gratified by this offer 
from my friend, and decided at once to lay aside my books 
(having almost determined to study law), and take up the 
sword in defense of my country. ^ly lieutenant's commission, 
signed by the venerable Gov. John Trumbull, was dated June 
20th, 1776, and my warrant as adjutant bore the same date. 

Having now commenced my new profession of arms, and 
believing myself influenced by the most patriotic principles, I 
waited the orders of my commander, ready to go wherever he 
should order. The British fleet, under the command of Admiral 
Shuldham, and the army commanded by General Howe, had 
left IJoston, or gone to Halifax, and were at sea. General 
Washington expected the enemy would make their next appear- 
ance at Xew York, and had put the American army under 
march for that city. 1 obtained permission to visit my father 
at Brooklmven. on my way to Now York, and I shall not soon 
forget his surprise at seeing me dressed in military uniform, 



8 

with epaulets on niv shoulders, and a sword by my side. 
Although he was a firm and decided whig of the revolution, yet 
he seemed very reluctant to have me enter the army. How- 
ever, the die was cast, and I soon left the paternal abode and 
entered the tented field. 

While the British fleet and army were at sea, or at Halifax, 
my duties were almost constant and unceasing, in training and 
disciplining our newly raised regiment for the service of the 
field the ensuing campaign. My ambition was almost bound- 
less, and my health and spirits being of the first order, I felt 
ready to do or undergo almost any service that might be 
assigned to me. 

We arrived at the city of Xew York in the month of June, 
1776, and my place of regimental parade was assigned in Wall 
Street, where, every morning and evening, the regiment assem- 
bled for exercise. During the heat of the day, the men were 
excused from duty, the heat being too intense to be borne by 
them in the sun. The American army, composed principally of 
levies, or troops raised for short periods, and militia, had now 
assembled at New York, and in its vicinity, when it was 
announced that a large British fleet was discovered oS the 
Hook, on the 29th of June. In a few days, the British fleet 
entered the Hook, and Sir William Howe, who commanded the 
army, landed on Staten Island, where, by the arrival of Lord 
Howe, he had a force about twenty-five thousand men. The 
newly famished troops, consisting of foreigners and native 
subjects, having now joined those who had recently left Bos- 
ton, General Washington (having arrived also from Boston) 
began to introduce system and order into the heterogeneous 
mass of troops that had been brought into the field, and were 
placed under his command. The war now put on a very 
serious aspect, as independence had been declared, and it 
seemed no longer doubtful that the contest on which we had 
entered must be decided by the sword. 

The British commissioners (of which Lord Howe was one), 
however, opened their commission by addressing a letter to 
Greneral Washington in his private character, and forwarded the 
same to our Commander-in-Chief bv Colonel Patterson. Gen- 



9 

eral Washington refused to receive these dispatches for the 
want of respectful address, and returned them to the commis- 
sioners, unopened, assigning the foregoing reasons for his 
refusal. The army was highly gratified by this conduct of 
General Wasliington, and Congress publicly approved of the 
same on the ITth of July. 1776. 

The Declaration of Independence, which had been solemnly 
adopted by Congress on the Fourth of July, 1776, was an- 
nounced to the army in general orders, and filled every one 
with enthusiastic zeal, as the point was now forever settled, 
and tliere was no further hope of reconciliation and dependence 
on the mother country. 

The movements of the enemy indicating an intention to ap- 
proach New York by the Avay of Long Island, Gen. Wash- 
ington ordered about 10.000 men to embark and cross the \/ 
East River at Brooklyn. The regiment to which I belonged 
•was among the first that crossed over, and, on the 27th of 
August, the whole British army, consisting of their own native 
troops, Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, etc., to the num- 
ber of at least 25,000 men, with a most formidable train of 
field artillery, landed near Flatbush, under cover of their ship- 
ping, and moved towards Jamaica and Brooklyn. As our 
troops had advanced to meet the enemy, the action soon com- 
menced, and was continued, at intervals, through most of the 
day. Before such an overwhelming force of disciplined troops, 
our small band could not maintain their ground, and the main 
body retired within their lines at Brooklyn, while a body of 
Long Island Militia, under Gen. Woodhull. took their stand 
at Jamaica. Here Gen. Woodhull was taken prisoner and in- 
humanly killed. The main body of our army, under Major-Geu. 
Sullivan and Lord Stirling, fought in detached bodies, and on 
the retreat both of those officers were made prisoners. I also 
lost a brother the same day, who fell into their hands, and was 
afterwards literally starved to death in one of their prisons : 
nor would the enemy suffer relief from his friends to be aff"ord- 
ed to him. 

This was the first time in my life that I had witnessed the 
awful scene of a battle, when man was engaged to destroy his 



10 

fellow-man. I well remember ray sensations on the occasion, 
for they were solemn beyond description, and very hardly 
could I bring my mind to be willing- to attempt the life of a 
fellow-creature. Our army having retired behind their in- 
trenchment, which extended from Vanbrunt's Mills, on the 
West, to the East River, flanked occasionally by redoubts, 
the British army took their position, in full array, directly in 
front of our position. Our intrenchment was so weak, that it 
is most wonderful the British General did not attempt to 
storm it soon after the battle, in which his troops had been 
victorious. Gen. Washington was so fully aware of the per- 
ilous situation of this division of his army, that he immedi- 
ately convened a council of war, at which the propriety of 
retiring to New York was decided on. After sustaining in- 
cessant fatigue and constant watchfulness for two days and 
nights, attended by heavy rain, exposed every moment to an 
attack from a vastly superior force in front, and to be cut off 
from tlie possibility of retreat to New York by the fleet, which 
might enter the East River, on the night of the 29th of xVugust, 
Gen. Washington commenced recrossing his troops from 
Brooklyn to New York. To move so large a body of troops, 
with all their necessary appendages, across a river full a mile 
Avide, with a rapid current, in face of a victorious, well disci- 
plined army, nearly three times as numerous as his own, and a 
fleet capable of stopping the navigation, so that not one boat 
could have passed over, seemed to present most formidable 
obstacles. But, in face of these difficulties, the Commander-in- 
Chief so arranged his business, that on the evening of the 29th, 
by 10 o'clock, the troops began to retire from the lines in such 
a manner that no chasm was made in the lines, but as one regi- 
ment left their station on guard, the remaining* troops moved 
to tlie right and left and filled up the vacancies, while Gen. 
Washington took his station at the ferry, and superintended 
the embarkation of the troops. It was one of the most anxious, 
busy nights that I ever recollect, and being the third in which 
hardly any of us had closed our eyes to sleep, we were all 
greatly fatigued. As the dawn of the next day approached, 
those of us who remained in the trenches became very anxious 



11 

for our own safety, and wlion the dawn appeared there were 
several regiments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog 
began to rise, and it seemed to settle in a peculiar manner 
over l)Oth encampments. I recollect this peculiar providential 
occurrence ]icrfectly well ; and so very dense was the atmos- 
phere that 1 could scarcely discern a man at six yards' dis- 
tance. 

When the sun rose we had just received orders to leave the 
lines, ])ut before we reached the ferry, the Commander-in-Chief 
sent one of his Aids to order the regiment to repair again to 
their former station on the lines. Col. Chester inmiediately 
faced to the right about and returned, where we tarried until 
the sun had risen, but the fog remained as dense as ever. 
Finally, the second order arrived for the regiment to retire, 
and we very joyfully bid those trenches a long adieu. When 
wc reached Brooklyn ferry, the boats had not returned from 
their last trip, but they very soon appeared and took the whole 
regiment over to New York ; and I think I saw Gen. 
Washington on the ferry stairs when I stepped into one of the 
last boats that received the troops. I left my horse tied to a 
post at the ferry. 

Tiie troops having now all safely reached New York, and 
the fog continuing as thick as ever, I began to think of my 
favorite horse, and requested leave to return and bring him 
ofl". Having obtained permission, I called for a crew of volun- 
teers to go with me, and guiding the boat myself, I obtained 
my horse and got off some distance into the river before the 
enemy appeared in Brooklyn. 

As soon as tlicy reached the ferry we were saluted merrily 
from their musketry, and finally by their field pieces ; but we 
returned in safety. In the history of warfare I do not recol- 
lect a more fortunate retreat. After all, the providential appear- 
ance of the fog saved a part of our army from being captured, 
and certainly myself, among others who formed the rear 
guard. Gen. Washington has never received the credit which 
was due to him for this wise and most fortunate measure. 

When the enemy had taken possession of the heights oppo- 
site the citv, thev commenced firim? from their artillerv. and 



12 

the fleet were in motion to take possession of those waters, 
wliicli, had it been done a little earlier, this division of our 
army must inevitably have fallen into their hands. 

In a day or two after, the British army began to move up the 
Island to Hurl Gate, when it became manifest that their object 
was to cut off the retreat of our troops from New York. My 
first station was at Turtle Bay, on York Island. A British 
frigate having taken her station in the East River, we began to 
fire upon her from a small battery of eighteen pounders, and 
did her some damage. As soon as she got springs on her 
cable, however, she began so heavy a fire upon our redoubt, 
that in less than thirty minutes she entirely dismounted our 
guns, and we were glad to leave so uncomfortable a place. 

My next halt was at our battery at Hurl Gate, opposite to 
which, on Long Island, the enemy erected a battery of heavy 
cannon, from which they commenced a tremendous fire on our 
fort, and soon made a breach in it, and dismounted most of our 
guns. After this, they began to make preparations for cross- 
ing the East River. Gen. Washington immediately put his 
army in motion to leave the city, the stores, etc., etc., having 
been previously removed. Both rivers, viz., the North and 
the East, were now filled with British shipping, and boats were 
seen passing from Long Island to New York, filled with sol- 
diers, who formed and deployed immediately after landing. 
A considerable body of our troops had not yet retired from 
the city ; but being hastened by this movement of the enemy, 
took the North River road, and thus escaped being entirely 
cut ofi". Some skirmishing ensued, which proved of little con- 
sequence. In the course of the day, a portion of our brigade, 
under Gen. Wadsworth, was engaged, and our Brigade-Major, 
Major Wyllis, was made a prisoner. I was immediately ap- 
pointed to fill his station, and entered on my new duties. 

Gen. Washington halted on the heights between Harlem 
and Kingsbridge, and the enemy appeared in full force on the 
South, or opposite side of Harlem. While in these situations, 
detachments from the two armies had frequent skirmishes, 
which produced no very important results. 

It was not long before the British troops were found to be 



13 

rccrossini^ the P'ast River to Loni^ Island, and moving to tlie 
East. Tliis induced Gen. Washington to remove his army 
oil' from York Island, and take a new position in the county 
of Westchester, North and East from Kingsbridge, leaving gar- 
risons in forts Washington and Lee, located on both sides of 
the North, or Hudson River. In this new position we remained 
for some time, no important event having taken place. As the 
enemy siiowed a disposition to cross over into Westchester, 
Gen. Washington removed the main body of his army up to 
the White Plains, taking possession of the high ground North 
and East of the town. Here he seemed determined to take 
his stand, his lines extending from a mountain on the right, 
called Chadderton's Hill, to a lake or large pond of water on 
his left. An intrencluncnt was thrown up from right to left, 
behind whicli our army formed. Long poles witii iron pikes 
upon them, supplied tiie want of bayonets. Chadderton's 
Hill was separated from the right of our intrenchment by a 
valley of some extent, with the river Bronx directly before it; 
but being within cannon shot of our intrenchment on the right, 
G(Mi. Washington thought it best to occupy it, and ordered 
Gen. McDougall, with 800 or 1,000 men, to defend it, and if 
driven from it, to retire upon the right of the line. The Amer- 
ican army were all at their several posts on the last Septem- 
ber and beginning of October ; and here it looked as if Gen. 
Washington intended to give battle to the British army. On 
the 27th October, 1776, it was announced at Head Quarters 
that the enemy was in motion from Westchester, through East- 
chester, directly toward the White Plains. A detachment of 
2.000 or 3,000 men was ordered to proceed on the old York 
road to meet the enemy in front. As our brigade formed a 
part of the force, I, of course, was among them. Before the 
dawn of day. on the 28th of October, we learned that the ene- 
my were in full march directly in front of us. Gen. Spencer, 
who connuanded this body of troops in advance, immediately 
made llio necessary disj)osition to receive the enemy, having 
the river Bronx on our right, and between us and the troops 
on Chadderton's Hill. At the dawn of day, the Hessian col- 
umn advanced within musket shot of our troops, when a full 



14 

discharge of muskety warned tliem of their danger. At first 
they fell back, but rallyed again immediately, and the column 
of British troops having advanced upon our left, made it nec- 
essary to retire. As stone walls were frequent, our troops 
occasionally formed behind them, and poured a destructive lire 
into the Hessian ranks. It, however, became necessary to 
retreat wholly before such an overwhelming force. To gain 
Chadderton's Hill, it became necessary to cross the Bronx, 
which was fordable at that place. The troops innncd lately 
entered the river and ascended the hill, while I being in the 
rear, and mounted on horseback, endeavored to hasten the last 
of our troops, the Hessians being tlien within musket shot. 
When I reached the bank of the river, and was about to enter 
it, our Chaplain, the Rev. I)r. Trumbull, sprang np behind mo 
on my horse, and came with such force to carry me with my 
accoutrements, together with himself, headlong into the river. 
This so entirely disconcerted me, that by the time I reached 
the opposite bank of the river, the Hessian troops Avere about 
to enter it, and considered me as their prisoner. As we as- 
cended the hill, I filed off to the right, expecting our troops on 
the hill would soon give them a volley. "When they had ad- 
vanced Avithin a few yards of a stone wall, behind whicli Gen. 
McDougall had placed them, our troops poured npon the Hes- 
sian column, under Gen. Raid, such a destructive fire, that 
they retreated down the hill in disorder, leaving a considerable 
number of the corps on the field. This relieved me from my 
perilous situation, and I immediately remounted my horse, and 
taking my course in the valley, directly between the hostile 
armies, I rode to Head Quarters, near the Conrt-house, and 
informed Gen. Washington of the situation of the troops on 
Chadderton's Hill. The enemy having rallied, and being re- 
inforced, made a second attempt upon Gen. McDougall's de- 
tachment, who gave them a second warm reception ; but, being 
overpowered, retired upon the right of our line, then in order 
of battle. A severe cannonade Avas kept up from both armies 
through the day, and every moment did avo expect the enemy 
Avould have attempted to force us from our lines. In the mean- 
time. Gen. Washington had begun to remove his stores and 
heavy baggage up to Northcastle. 



15 

After remaining in our lines and on constant military duty 
for several days and nights, on the 1st of November Gen. 
Washington retired with his army to the heights in the neigh- 
borhood of Northcastle. Thus baffled, Gen. Howe gave over 
the pursuit, and began his march towards Kingsbridge, where 
he assembled his troops to invest Fort Washington. In the 
mean time, Gen. Washington apprehending that the enemy 
would immediately attempt the capture of forts Washington 
and Lee (two strong fortifications on each bank of the Hud- 
son and below Kingsbridge), ordered his troops into the vicini- 
ty of Pcckskill, on the North River. After stationing suitable 
guards on the Croton river, and to protect the country from 
plunder, etc.. Gen. Washington crossed the Pludson with a con- 
sideral)le portion of his troops, and removed down into the 
neighborhood of Fort Lee. After a most desperate assault on 
Fort Washington by the Hessian troops under Gen. Kniphau- 
sen, aided by difierent corps of the British under the command 
of Gen. Mathews, Col. Stirling, and Lord Percy, and the out- 
posts of the garrison being driven in, and their ammunition 
almost expended, Col. Morgan, who commanded in the garri- 
son, beat a parley and surrendered. By this unfortunate event, 
wc lost about 3,000 men, a great part of whom perished in 
prison by severe usage, sickness, etc. 

After the fall of Fort Washington, it became certain tliat 
Fort Lee could not be sustained, and as Lord Cornwallis had 
crossed the Hudson River at Dobb's ferry, and above the fort, 
it became necessary to be on the alert. The troops at and in 
the neighborhood of Fort Lee, moved off in season to avoid 
the approach of the enemy, and retired over the Hackensack 
River, into the State of New Jersey. This Avas a period of great 
dismay. The campaign of 1776 was now drawing to a close, 
and the periods for which the American troops had been enlist- 
ed, were daily expiring. The enemy had been victorious, and 
flushed with success, were insolent and cruel both to the inhab- 
itants and to their prisoners. In fiict, all was confusion and 
dismay, and it seemed as if we were on the eve of despair and 
ruin. 

If I was writing a history of the revolutionary war, I 



16 

should not fail in this momentous period of our revolution to 
notice the events wliich transpired in the Northern army and 
on the Lakes. 

The attacks on Charleston, South Carolina, at the South, 
and the lodgment of a British force at Newport, R. I., in all 
which places, except before Charleston, disasters and dismay 
seemed to be the portion of America. But, as I was noticing 
only some of the prominent events of my own life, and those 
which took place where I have been providentially placed 
[quorum pars fui), I will not enlarge. 

The New England troops being left on the East side of the 
Hudson, or North River, and Gen. Washington, with the 
Southern troops principally, having taken his. course to the 
South, halted occasionally as he passed through New Jersey, 
but kept before the enemy until they crossed the river Dela- 
ware. This river then became the boundary or dividing line 
between the two armies. The enemy soon took possession of 
Trenton, Bordentown, and Burlington, which places were occu- 
pied principally by the Hessian troops. The British troops 
occupied Princeton, New Brunswick, and Amboy. To the 
troops on the East side of the North River was appropriated 
the service of calling the attention of the enemy to their front 
at Kingsbridgc, Harlem, etc., to call off their pursuit of Gen. 
Washington, and his broken corps. But the period of discharge 
of this division of the army was at hand, as the year was now 
at its close, and Congress had finally determined to raise an 
army for thejwar, on the pressing recommendation of Gen. 

f-. Washington.! In the Fall of the year 177G, Congress resolved 
to raise eighty-eight battalions of infantry, and apportioned to 
each State in the Union its quota of these troops. In the month 
of December they resolved to raise four regiments of horse, and 
sixteen additional regiments of infantry, authorizing Gen. 

i Washington to appoint officers for tlie whole of them. This 

f produced an entire change in all our military system, and those 
who felt ardent in their country's cause, were now called upon 
to step forward and engage in her service. Before our regi- 
ment was dismissed, I had the offer of the first troop, in the 

j 2d regiment of light dragoons, commanded by Colonel Elisha 



n 

Sheldon. As these appointments were from Gen. Washing- 
ton, I felt liighly honored and gratified by the appointment, 
and before the levies were dismissed, I enlisted the quota of 
men for my troop. My commission as captain bore date the 
14th of December, 1776, and was signed by John Hancock, I 
President. I had now entered upon a new career, both as to j 
the nature and the duration of my military service. The dra- 
goon service being so honorable and so desirable, it became an 1 
object of primary importance to obtain an appointment in this } 
corps. I now left my fellow-officers of the infantry, and pro- | 
ceeded to Philadelphia to receive instructions from the Board j 
of War about raising and equipping this new body of troops. J 
As I passed on, Gen. Washington had planiicd his expedi- 
tion against the Hessians at Trenton, in which he captured 
about one thousand men, on the night of the 25th of December, 
and the next day recrosscd the Delaware with his troops and 
prisoners. This event gave a new force to our affairs, and 
where gloom and dismay prevailed, zeal and courage began to 
appear. This fortunate attack upon the enemy at Trenton, 
inspired the militia with such courage, and they flocked to the 
American camp in such numbers, that Gen. Washington de- 
termined again to cross the Delaware at Trenton, of which 
he took possession. The British troops having now collected 
at New Brunswick and Princeton, Lord Cornwallis, witli a 
select body of troops, was dispatched to attack the American 
army. He entered Trenton on the 2d of January, 1777 ; and 
on that day Gen. AVashington retired across the river at 
Trenton, called the Assumpink, which divides the town, run- 
ning from East to West, and then falls into the Delaware. 
After making several fruitless attempts to pass the river at the 
bridge and fording-places, to attack our troops, Cornwallis 
halted on the North side of the river, intending to make the 
attack the next day. Aware of his danger. Gen. Washing- 
ton caused the fires of his encampment to be kept up, and 
suitable sentinels and patrols to be on duty through the night, 
while, with the main body of his troops, he filed off to the 
right, and the next morning at day-break was at Princeton. 
There he found three regiments of British troops, which he im- 
2 



18 

mediately engaged and dispersed, killing and taking about four 
hundred men, of which more than one hundred were slain. Our 
loss in killed was about the same, among whom was Gen. Mer- 
cer, of Virginia. As soon as Lord Cornwallis found that Gen. 
Washington had eluded him, he moved his troops from Tren- 
ton to Princeton, on their way to New Brunswick. The rear of 
our troops had scarcely left Princeton, when the vanguard of 
the British entered, between which some shots were exchanged. 
Gen. Washington crossed the Millstone, destroying all the 
bridges, which greatly retarded the enemy. Turning to the 
North, toward Somerset Court House, he left Lord Cornwallis 
to pursue his march to New Brunswick, where his stores and 
baggage were deposited, and our little army halted for refresh- 
ment and repose. In a short time Gen. Washington remov- 
ed the remains of his army to Morristown, N. J., where he took 
up his Winter quarters. Thus the campaign of 1776 closed 
with honor to the American arms, although a considerable 
portion of it liad been replete with disaster. 

It being determined that the 2nd Regiment of Light Dra- 
goons, to which I was attached, should rendezvous at Wethers- 
field, in Connecticut, I proceeded to that place, where all re- 
cruits were ordered to assemble. There I immediately erected 
a large circular Manage, for tlie purpose of training and break- 
ing our horses, and the Winter and ensuing Spring were occupied 
in preparing for the campaign of 1777, which, from all prepara- 
tions making on both sides, bid fair to be a bloody one. ,■ As 
soon as the Spring had opened, and traveling became practi- 
cable. Gen. Howe began to show a disposition to take the field. 
Gen. Washington removed his army forward from Morristown 
to the strong and elevated positions North of Middlcbrook. 
There he intrenched and fortified his encampment, and awaited 
the movements of the enemy. 

Gen. Washington, foreseeing the intention of Gen. Howe to 
strike some decisive blow with such a powerful military force 
as he had at command, had directed that all recruits should be 
forwarded to Head Quarters as fast as they were collected. He 
also sent a particular order to Col. Sheldon to send on all the 
effective men of his reo-iment. Havino- about men and horses 



19 

cnouirli to form four troops, they were accordingly put in the 
best order, and the conniiand of the squadron was given to me. 
as senior Captain in the regiment, My own troop was com- 
])Osed entirely of dapple gray horses, whicli, with black straps 
and black bear-.^kin holster-covers, looked sujjerb. I have no 
hesitation in ackowledging that I was very proud of this com- 
mand. 

At the opening of the campaign of 1777, I moved oft' with 
this noble ])ody of horse from Weatliersfield, where I had 
passed a very pleasant and a very active and busy Winter. . My 
military duties by day, and the pleasant intercourse witli the 
inhabitants in the evening, made the time pass rapidly away. I 
left the place and the people with some regret, but being fired 
with military ambition and panting for glory, I took up my line 
of march — passing through Farmington, Harrington, Litchfield, 
and Kent, in Connecticut, and from thence to Peckskill and 
King's Ferry, where we crossed the Hudson River. Thence by 
Havcrstraw, the Clove, and Pomptoiy to Morristown, where 
Gen. AVashington had encamped his army through the preced- 
ing Winter. From this place I reported my detachment to the 
Commander-in-Chief, who ordered me to move on the next day 
to his encampment near Middlebrook, where he reviewed us 
and commended the appearance of my detachment. 

The day following, all the light horse, consisting of Col. 
Blond's, Col. Maylan's, and my squadron, were ordered to 
parade, and proceeded down to Woodbridge to reconnoitre the 
enemy. Aftrr we came in full view of them, they immediately 
got under arms. Pretty soon some of their light troops ap- | 
pcarcd to be liling off to the right and left, and quickly 
appeared in our rear. Our next attempt Avas to pass through 
their corps, which we did, each squadron taking a separate ! 
course. Our loss was Ijut small, considering the fire we siis- > 
tained. ylVfter this we retired towards Head Quarters, and 
halted for the night, being covered by Col. Morgan's Regiment 
of Rinemen./'I^arly next morning, being June 25, 1777, our 
patrols came in. announcing the approach of the enemy. As soon j 

as the dragoons could be mounted, the enemy was in sight, and 1 

the firing commenced, which began the battle af the Short Hills. '"/? M 



20 

Lord Stirling commanded the left wing of the advanced divi- 
sion of our army, and fell in with Lord Cornwallis, who com- 
manded the grenadiers and light infantry of the British army. 
In the course of the battle four field pieces were taken from 
Lord Stirling, and again retaken and finally lost. The main 
body of the enemy, under Gen. Howe, did not fall in with Gen. 
Washington, who immediately took possession of his strong- 
holds back of Middlebrook. Thus the British General was disap- 
pointed in his plan of drawing Gen. Washington into a general 
battle. Our light troops hovered upon the rear of the enemy 
until they reached Elizabethtown. After this Gen. Howe drew 
in his out-posts, and pretty soon began to embark his army for 
their southern expedition. As soon as Gen. Washington could 
determine the course that the British fleet had steered, he put 
his whole army under march for the Delaware./ The fleet left 
the Hook on the 23rd of July, 1777. The destination of my 
squadron was to Carrol's Ferry over the Delaware, which I 
reached in good season. By this time the remainder of our re- 
cruits had come on, and we had a fine body of dragoons in the 
field. The army crossed the Delaware, and the whole body 
moved on slowly towards Philadelphia, and halted at German- 
town. There Gen. Washington anxiously waited to know the 
destination of the British fleet and army. 

By this time I was promoted to the rank of Major in the 2nd 
Regiment Light Dragoons, my commission being dated from 
the time of the vacancy, viz., April 7, 1777. . I now gave up the 
command of my favorite troop, taking my station as field offi- 
cer in the regiment. Gen. Washington having ascertained 
that the British fleet had steered to the South after they left 
Sandy Hook, was finally informed they had actually entered, 
and Averc proceeding up the Chesapeake Bay./ On the 25th of 
August, Gen. Howe landed his army, about twenty thousand 
strong, on the East side of the Chesapeake Bay, near the head 
of the Elk, so called, near French Town. On the 27th the 
troops were put in motion towards Philadelphia. 

When Gen. Washington put his army in motion, we were about 
eighteen thousand strong. After passing through the principal 
streets of Philadelphia, we continued our march until we reached 



21 

Wilminfrton. As the enemy advanced, Gen. "Washington took 
his station on the left bank, or on the Nortli side of the Brandy- 
wine, near wliich river it appeared probable that tlie hostile 
armies mnst engage, as they had now advanced within a few 
miles of each other. On the morning of the 11th of Septem- 
ber. 1777, Gen. Howe put his army in order of battle, and 
moved on towards the Brandy wine. By 10 o'clock in the morn- 
ing the action commenced, and was sustained from right to left 
by turns through the whole line. The action was obstinate on 
both sides, and lasted through the day ; but the left wing of the 
British army having crossed the river, some distance above, on 
the right of our army, came down upon our right, while the 
Hessians crossed in front at Chadsford, and the American 
troops were forced to retire. The action lasted through the 
day, and at night Gen. Washington took his station at Chester, 
and the Briti.sh army remained in possession of the field. The 
next day Gen. Washington retired to Philadelphia, and the 
British army extended their riglit wing into Wilmington. 
Finding Philadelphia not to be capable of defense against such 
a powerful foe, Gen. Washington retreated to the high grounds 
al)Out Germantown, while Gen. Howe advanced to the right 
bank of the Schuylkill, opposite to Philadelphia. Some of our 
liglit troops hung upon his left Aving and rear, to |irevent their 
predatory excursions. The bridges over the Schuylkill having 
been removed. Gen. Howe moved up the right, or western 
bank of that river. Gen. Washington having recrossed the 
Schuylkill, determined, on the IGth of September, again to meet 
Gen. Howe in the field of battle. The arrangements were 
made, and the advance parties had already commenced firing, 
when there came on a violent shower of rain, which unfitted 
both armies for action. Gen. Washington now recrossed the 
Schuylkill, and encamped on the eastern side of that river. 
Gen. Howe, learning that Gen. Wayne was on his left, Avithin 
a few miles of him, with about 1500 men, near the Paola Tav- 
ern, on the Lancaster road, detached Gen. Gray, with a select 
corps of light troops, to surprise him. This he accomplished 
so effectually, that he forced his way into the midst of Wayne's 
detachment before he was discovered. A dreadful slaughter 



22 

ensued, in which the sick and wounded were killed indiscrimi- 
nately with those who were taken in arms. Gen. Howe moved 
still higher up the Schuylkill, as if he would go to Beading, 
where we had much military stores collected. Gen. Washing- 
ton removed his army to Pottsgrove : this gave the enemy 
an opportunity to ford the Schuylkill at the fords above the 
bridges, and their march to Philadelphia was open and easy, 
on the 23rd of September : and on tlie 26th. Lord Coruwallis 
entered that city at the head of a column of British and Hes- 
sian grenadiers. Congress, a few days before, adjourned from 
Philadelphia to meet at Lancaster, fi-om whence they removed 
over the Susquehanna River and sat at Yorktown. The main 
body of the British army now encamped at Germantowu. and 
Gen. "Washington posted his army about 16 miles Xorth of 
Germantown. on the Shippack Creek. Efforts were now made 
to draw in all detachments of the army, and to collect a force 
that might enable Gen. "Washington to cope with the adver- 
sary. Although defeated at the Brandywine, and foiled in 
several smaller rencounters, our American Fabius retained his 
full determination to give these hostile invaders no repose. 
Having learned that Cornwallis was stationed at Philadelphia 
with about 5.000 troops, while the main body was posted in a 
line from East to West at Germantown. with their light troops 
in front and on the flanks. Gen. Washington determined to 
attack them. The arrangement and order of battle was such, 
that if every division of the army had performed its allotted 
part, it seems as if we must have succeeded. Such was the 
order of battle, that the front, the flanks, and even the rear of 
the British encampment, were to have been attacked at the 
same time, f My own position was at the head of Gen. Sul- 
livan's division, on the left of the centre ; Gen. Wayne being 
on our right, and the Commander-in-Chief in the centre of 
both divisions, which was the centre of the army^ Having 
marched from our camp on the evening of the Srd'of October, 
"77, by 3 o'clock the next morning we found ourselves close in 
upon the scene of action. Just before the dawn of day, the 
troops were put in motion, and in a few moments the firing 
commenced. The out-posts and advanced guards of the enemy 



23 

were driven in with great precipitation, and by 9 o'clock we 
found ourselves almost in the heart of Germantown, A very 
heavy fog prevented our corps from discovering one another, 
=0 as to distinguish, in some cases, friend from foe. Hitherto 
the progress of our troops had been entirely successful, and it 
seemed as if the victory mast be ours. Some of the regiments 
on the flanks had reached the centre of the village, and had 
then more prisoners than troops of their own ; and in this 
situation, finding themselves separated from their own brigades, 
were captured by the enemy. 

At this critical moment, Col. Musgrave, of the British army, 
threw his regiment into a large stone house directly in front 
of our division in the centre, from which he poured a heavy 
and galling fire upon our troops. All attempts to dislodge 
them were ineffectual, and although they would have been 
harmless in a few minutes if we had passed them by, yet 
through the importunity of Gen. Knox (which I distinctly 
heard). Gen. Washington permitted him to bring his field artil- 
lery to bear upon it, but without effect. During this transac- 
tion time elapsed, the situation of our troops was uncomfort- 
able, their ardor abated, and the enemy obtained time to rally. 
In less than thirty minutes, our troops began to retire, and from 
the ardor of pursuit, were in full retreat. This not being gen- 
eral through the line, of necessity left the flanks of some divi- 
sions and brigades uncovered and exposed to the assaults of an 
exasperated foe. From this moment the prospects of victory 
were changed, and notwithstanding all our attempts to rally 
the retiring troops, it seemed impossible to effect it, even by 
the presence of the Commander-in-Chief. ^1 threw my squad- \ 
ron of horse across the road, by order of Gen. Washington, i 
repeatedly, to prevent the retreat of the infantry : but it was 
ineffectual.]^ In addition to this, after our attack had com- 
menced. Lord Cornwallis had commenced his march from 
Philadelphia with the grenadiers and light troops, and had 
reached Germantown. This relieved the enemy greatly ; but 
they pursued us very cautiously. After our army had passed 
Chestnut Hill, the enemy halted, as did also our troops. Thus, 
in an unexpected moment, when everything seemed to look 



24 

favorable to our cause, victory was turned into defeat, and the 
fugitive enemy was the cautiously pursuing foe. Gen. Wash- 
ington fell back to his old quarters at Shippack, where the dis- 
persed troops assembled, and the enemy retired to Philadel- 
phia. In the meantime, Lord Howe had assembled his fleet in 
the Delaware Bay, and as the obstructions which had been 
placed in the river below Philadelphia, to prevent the progress 
of the fleet, still remained, and the army were obliged to de- 
pend on the fleet for all their provisions, it became necessary 
that these obstructions should be removed. The chevaiix de 
frise could not be removed so long as our forts protected them. 
It therefore became necessary that Mud Island Fort, forts Miff- 
lin and Mercer in the river, and the fort at Red Bank, on the 
Jersey shore, should be taken by the enemy, while the English 
troops attacked the forts on the islands in the river. A corps 
of Hessians, under Col. Donop, crossed the Delaware at Coop- 
er's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, to attack the fortress at 
Red Bank. These different divisions of troops were put in 
motion on the evening of the 21st of October, '77. The next 
day the several attacks commenced. The cannonade was so 
heavy from the forts and the ships, that we heard it distinctly 
at our encampment, about 40 miles distant. Col, Donop ap- 
proached Red Bank with great gallantry, with a strong and 
select corps of Hessian troops, who entered the entrenchments 
of the outer works, but failed in attempting to scale the inner 
fort, into which our troops had retired. From this they found 
so heavy and so destructive a lire, that the enemy were oblig- 
ed to retire, leaving their Colonel and Commander mortally 
wounded, and a prisoner, and 400 or 500 men on the field of bat- 
tle. The second ofiicer in command was also wounded. Lieut. 
Col. Linsing drew off the remainder with precipitation, and 
returned to Philadelpliia totally defeated. The other attempts 
also failed of success. But the wants of the army became so 
pressing that further attempts became necessary to remove 
these obstructions. A portion of the navy, as well as of the 
army, was assigned to this service, which met with varied suc- 
cess, some of the ships being totally destroyed. After awhile, 
the men-of-war drawinu- near, and forts bcins: erected to rake 



25 

our batteries, it was found necessary to abandon them, which 
was accordingly done with little loss of men. From this time 
the intercourse with the fleet by the Delaware River was unob- 
structed and free. 

Our Northern army, under Gen. Gates, having been victori- 
ous, and Gen. Burgoyne and his whole army, having been made 
prisoners, the continental troops that had served in that army 
were ordered to join the army under Gen. Washington. This 
they effected in the latter part of November, soon after which 
Gen. Washington determined to look at Gen. Howe again in 
the field. About the 1st of December he removed his whole 
army from Shippack down to White Marsh, occupying the 
strong grounds on the North side of the flat ground known by 
that name.//On the morning of the 4th of December, Gen. 
Howe came out with the whole British army, and encamped at 
Chestnut Hill, directly in front of our right wing. Having 
now so respectable a force in the field (about 15,000 strong), 
and especially the Northern army being flushed with recent 
victory, and lioping that tiic other troops would vie with them 
in the contest, a battle was rather desired than avoided. After 
continuing several days in his first position, by day-break on 
the 7th, Gen. Howe took a new position in front of our left 
wing, on the flank of which I was posted with a body of liorse, 
togetlicr with M(n-gan's Liglit Infantry and IliflcmenTjWe came 
into contact with the British light infantry and dragoons, in 
whicli Major Morris, of our infantry, was killed. I thought a 
general battle was inevitable, but neither General thought it 
prudent to descend into the plain. After continuing in this 
position a few days. Gen. Howe retired to Philadelphia for 
Winter quarters, to our great wonder. Shortly after. Gen. 
Washington repaired to A^'alley Forge, on the West side of the 
Schuylkill, and encamped for the Winter. The soldiers were 
obliged to nnike log huts to shelter them from the inclemencies 
of the weather, and very few of them had a blanket to cover 
them. Indeed, the whole army were in great want of the most 
necessary articles of clothing, and many of them had no shoes 
to their feet, so that they could be tracked by the blood which 
they left on the irround as thev constructed their huts. Thus 



26 

closed the campaign of 1777, the most sanguinary of any that 
took place during the war. 
/ As soon as our army had encamped, late in the month of De- 
cember, 1777, the Commander-in-Chief stationed me with a 
respectable detachment of dragoons, as an advanced corps of 
j observation between our army and that of the enemy. I had 
to scour the country from the Schuylkill to the Delaware River, 
about five or six miles, for the double purpose of watching 
the movements of the enemy and preventing the disaffected 
from carrying supplies of provisions to Philadelphia. My du- 
ties were very arduous, not being able to tarry long in a place, 
j by reason of the British light horse, which continually pa- 
' trolled this intermediate ground. Indeed it was unsafe to per- 
,; mit the dragoons to unsaddle their horses for an hour, and very 
i rarely did I tarry in the same place through the night. 

While on this duty, at about 2 o'clock in the morning, I was 
attacked by a large body of British light horse, commanded 
by Lord Rawdon. So long as the battle lasted in the road, 
we made good our defense ; but when they leaped the fences, 
and got upon our flanks, we were obliged to retreat. Our loss 
was small, not exceeding 3 or 4 killed, and as many wounded. 
Soon after this, being informed that a country girl had gone 
into Philadelphia-, with eggs, instructed to obtain some in- 
formation respecting the enemy, I moved my detachment to 
Germantown, where they halted, while, with a small detach- 
ment, I advanced several miles towards the British lines, and 
dismounted at a tavern called the Rising Sun, in full view of 
their out-posts. Very soon I saw a young female coming out 
from the city, who also came to the same tavern. After we 
had made ourselves known to each other, and while she was 
communicating some intelligence to me, I was informed that 
the British light horse were advancing. Stepping to the 
door, I saw them at full speed chasing in my patrols, one of 
whom they took. I immediately mounted, when I found the 
young damsel close by my side, entreating that I would pro- 
tect her. Having not a moment to reflect, I desired her to 
mount behind me, and in this way I brought her ofi" more tlian 
three miles up to Germantown, where she dismounted. During 



27 

the Avliole ride, altlioufrli tlirro was considerable firing- of pis- 
tols, and not a little whcelinj^ and charging, she remained 
unmoved, and never once complained of fear after she mount- 
ed my horse. I was delighted with this transaction, and re- 
ceived many compliments from those who became acquainted 
with it. 

After my command in the lines before Philadelphia closed, 
which was in January, 1778, the light horse having been 
ordered to Trenton, I repaired to that place with my detach- 
ment, and from thence the 2nd Regiment Light Dragoons 
removed to Chatham, New Jersey, for Winter quarters. Here 
wo were permitted to rest from the fatigues of a severe and 
bloody campaign. /But our brethren at Valley Forge passed 
a Winter of extreme sufFering, being in want of provisions 
and clothing to an alarming degree. Gen. Washington, how- 
ever, was constantly engaged in providing for his suifering 
troops, and in recruiting his army for the ensuing campaign. 

In the meantime, Gen. Clinton succeeded Gen. Howe at 
Philadelphia (1778). /Early in the Spring, the enemy making 
some movements on the Hudson, our regiment was ordered to 
leave their Winter quarters at Chatham, and proceed towards 
the Clove and King's Ferry, to watch their motions. 

In the latter part of ]\[ay, or beginning of June, 1778, we 
took up our line of march to open another campaign, feeling 
somewhat like veteran troops, after such a campaign as the 
last. In June, it became evident to Gen. Washington that 
the l?ritish army was al)out to remove from Philadelphia. On 
the 22d of June, 1778, Gen. Henry Clinton, by the aid of the 
shipping, rcuioved his army from Philadelphia, and landed at 
Gloucester Point, in New Jersey. Gen. Washington imme- 
diately broke up his camp at Valley Forge, and after despatch- 
ing several light corps to hang upon the Hanks and rear of the 
enemy, he moved with his main body and crossed the Delaware 
River at Cargell's Ferry, when it became manifest that Gen. 
Clinton would take the road to New York through Mon- 
mouth. 

Gen. AVashington put his whole force in motion, to fall in 
if possilile with the enemy at that place. Gen. Lee, who had 



28 

been recently exchanged, having the command of the light 
troops, was directed to attack the enemy, and harrass them 
until the Commander-in-Chief could come up with the main 
body of the army. Being pressed on all sides by our light 
troops, Gen. Clinton was obliged to face about upon Gen. 
Lee's division, which soon began to retire. At this critical 
moment Gen. Washington came up, and was astonished to find 
Lee's corps on the retreat. After delivering some pretty stern 
remarks to Lee, he immediately endeavored to restore the 
order of the battle, and soon checked the progress of the 
enemy's troops. The conflict became very heavy and dubious 
for a time, until the enemy, in turn, gave way, and Gen. Wash- 
ington gained the ground that Lee had abandoned. The con- 
flict continued through the day from Monmouth to Freehold, 
when night parted the combatants. Our army slept on the 
field of battle, and Gen. Washington intended to have renewed 
the contest the next morning ; but Gen. Clinton, aware of his 
danger, took advantage of the darkness and cool of the night, 
and moved off towards Middletown, whither his baggage, 
under the escort of Gen. Kniphausen, had been sent forward. 
By this night's march, Gen. Clinton had escaped the vigilance 
of Gen. Washington, and on the 30th of June he arrived at 
Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe had arrived with his fleet, 
ready to receive and convey the troops to New York. Li the 
battle of Monmouth, or Freehold, the British lost about 1,000 
men, 400 or 500 of whom were killed. The American loss did 
not exceed 200 or 300 men. Many died on both sides from ex- 
cessive heat and fatigue — the day being oppressively warm, 
and the troops drinking too freely of cold water. 

The battle was greatly in favor of the Americans, although 
had Washington's orders been obeyed, the victory would doubt- 
less have been much more decisive. Gen. Lee was soon after- 
wards arrested by Gen. Washington on three charges, found 
guilty, and suspended from command for twelve months. Gen. 
Washington, as well as Congress, commended the conduct of 
the army, and returned thanks, etc. 

On the 1st of July, Gen. Washington took up his march 
for the Hudson, to guard the passes of the Highlands, and soon 



29 

the main army again assembled together on the East side of 
the Hudson. 

France having entered into an alliance with the United 
States after the capture of Burgoync's army, had sent out a 
formidable fleet under the Count Dc Estaing, which entered 
the mouth of the Delaware Bay on the 8th of July. If he had 
reached that station a few days sooner, the fleet from Philadel- 
phia must have fallen into his hands, and most probably the 
British army would have been captured. The Count soon 
learned the destination of the British fleet, and on the 11th of 
July he appeared off Sandy Hook, in face of Lord Howe and 
the British fleet, who did not venture out for action. After 
tarrying before the Hook a few days, the French fleet stood 
out to sea, and soon appeared before the harbor of Newport, 
R. I. 

Tiie British troops under Gen. Pigot, now began to be in 
jeopardy. An army of 10,000 men was promptly assembled, 
and took possession of the high ground North of Newport, and 
by the coiipcration of the French fleet, the British garrison, 
about 6.000 strong, must inevitably have been taken. But 
Lord Howe appearing ofi" the inlet, the French Admiral put to 
sea in quest of him — a storm coming on, both fleets were dis- 
persed and much injured, which prevented a naval battle ; and 
the French fleet retired again to Newport. In a few days, 
however, the French Admiral informed Gen. Sullivan that he 
was going to Boston to refit. Notwithstanding all the entrea- 
ties and expostulations of Gens. Sullivan, Greene, and Lafay- 
ette, the French fleet weighed anchor, and on the 2d of August 
set sail for Boston. Thus exposed to the British fleet, and 
such reinforcements as Gen. Clinton might send for from New 
York, Gen. Sullivan was obliged to retire from the island and 
take a position on the main land. 

This year (1778) I oi)encd a private correspondence with 
some persons in New York (for Gen. Washington) which lasted 
through the war. How beneficial it was to the Commander- 
in-Chief is evidenced by his continuing the same to the close of 
the war. I kept one or more boats continually employed in 
crossing the Sound on this business. 



30 

My station during the campaign of 1778, was in the county 
of Westchester, and occasionally along the shores of the 
Sound. No important blow was given the enemy during this 
campaign, by the American. army, although the light troops in 
advance (as was always the case with our regiment) were fre- 
quently in conflict with similar corps of the enemy. 

When the campaign closed, our regiment went to Durham, 
in Connecticut, for Winter quarters./ A part of the time, 
however, I was from choice stationed at Greenfield, from 
"whence I could easily cross to Long Island. 

During the Summer of 1779, Gov. Tryon was despatched 
with 2,000 or 3,000 troops, and a protecting naval force, to 
distress the seaports of Connecticut. He landed at New 
Haven, and pillaged the town, After some skirmishing he 
embarked his troops, and next visited and burnt the handsome 
town of Fairfield. Taking the next town in course, he also 
burnt and utterly destroyed Norwalk. Finding him bent on 
such a desolating expedition, I was despatched with a body of 
light infantry to aid the militia in defending the latter place. 
The enemy approached the town at break of day, and imme- 
diately set it on fire. The scene was awful — to see the inhab- 
itants — men, women, and children — leaving their houses, and 
fleeing before the enemy, while our troops were endeavoring to 
protect them. 

They embarked again the same day at sunset, and returned 
to New York, after having experienced pretty uncivil treat- 
ment while they were at Norwalk. 

From Norwalk I moved my detachment, and encamped them 
on both sides of the Hudson. Gen. Clinton, in the month of 
of May, having viewed the importance of navigating the 
Hudson in its true light, embarked the flower of his army and 
proceeded up the North River. After investing the American 
posts on Verplank's Point, and Stony Point, the former sur- 
rendered, and the garrison in the latter made their escape. 
These fortifications are nearly opposite to each other, on the 
banks of the Hudson, at King's Ferry, near Haverstraw — 
Stony Point being on the West side of the river, and Ver- 
plank's Point on the East. Gen. Washington having assem- 



31 

bled his army in tlic neighborhood of these plains, conceived 
the idea of driving the enemy from them. The enemy had 
made the fort at Stony Point impregnable, as they supposed, 
and iiad placed in it a garrison of select troops, about OUO 
strong. A body of our light infantry, about 1,000 strong, 
under the command of Gen. Wayne, moved forward on the 
15th of July, 1779, and soon after midnight were ordered to 
commence the attack in two columns. As soon as we were 
discovered by the garrison, they commenced a tremendous fire 
of musketry and cannon, while not a gun was discharged by 
any of our troops. Such was the ardor and impetuosity of tho 
Americans, that they surmounted all difficulties, removed all 
obstructions, cut away the abatis and a double stockade, 
mounted the ramparts, and captured the whole garrison in a 
short time with the bayonet alone. Although the fire was so 
heavy from the fortress, our loss of men was comparatively 
small, while that of the enemy, in slain, was very considerable. 

Gen. Robert Howe, with his troops (of which our regiment 
made a part), on the East side of the Hudson, moved up in 
view of the fort on Vcrplank's Point, as if to attack it, and 
tlien retired, whicli he did repeatedly, to my utter astonish- 
ment, supposing that we were to attack it. It was afterwards 
said that this operation was a feint, to divert the attention 
of the garrison fromCStony Point. 

After the oV)ject of this movement was accomplislied, my 
detachment, and indeed the whole of our regiment, took their 
station in the region of the White Plains, Northcastle, etc., as 
a sort of advance guard to the army. \ 

Our parties and those of the enemy had frequent interviews, 
and sometimes not of the most friendly nature. I had been 
nearly led into an ambuscade by the enemy in an excursion 
down upon the lines, ^[y orders were to go into Westchester, 
but by some means the enemy got information of my intended 
expedition, and threw a large body of infantry into a thicket 
on the road. I got knowledge of the movement just before 
the troops reached the spot, and retired without loss. 

On my way back to the regiment, ray brave Sergeant- 
Major, James Dole, was shot by one of the Cow-boys. The 



32 

bullet entered on one side, just above the hip, and came out on 

the other — passing directly through his body. As soon as I 

saw him, I supposed he was mortally wounded ; but he finally 

recovered, and served to the close of the revolutionary war, 

and lived many years after. 

f--' At the commencement of this campaign, our regiment was 

! ordered to its old station on the lines, below Bedford, North- 

I castle, etc. Not long after we took the field, about July 1, 

1779, Lord Rawdon, with nearly all the British light horse, 

accompanied by a body of light infantry, made an attack 

upon our corps in the night. The onset was violent, and the 

conflict carried on principally with the broad sword, until the 

light infantry appeared upon our flanks, when Col. Sheldon 

found it necessary to retreat. This was done with so much 

celerity, that the enemy gained but little advantage. I lost in 

J the afiray a fine horse, most of my field baggage, and twenty 

j guineas in cash, which were taken in my valise with my 

'^^horse. 

Before the campaign closed, viz., on the 5th of September, 
1779, 1 undertook an expedition against the enemy on Lloyd's 
Neck, on Long Island. At this place, and on a promontory or 
elevated piece of ground next to the Sound, between Hunting- 
ton Harbor and Oyster Bay, the enemy had established a 
strong fortified post, where they kept a body of about 500 
troops. In the rear of this garrison a large band of maraud- 
ers encamped, who, having boats at command, continually in- 
fested the Sound and our shores. Having a great desire 
to break up this band of freebooters, on the evening of said 
5th of September I embarked my detachment, amounting in 
the whole to about 130 men, at Shipam Point, near Stamford, 
at 8 o'clock in the evening, and by 10 we landed on Lloyd's 
Neck. Having made my arrangements, we proceeded in differ- 
ent diviBions to beat up their quarters. Our attack was so 
sudden and unexpected, that we succeeded in capturing almost 
the whole party — a few only escaping into the bushes, from 
whence they commenced firing on my detachment, which gave 
the alarm to the garrison. This prevented our attempting any 
attack upon the out-posts and guards of the fort, and after 



dcstroyinj^ all the l)oats wc could find, as well as the huts of 
those refugees, we returned with our prisoners to our boats, and 
cinl)arkcd for Connecticut, wlicrc we landed in safety before 
sunrise the next morning, and without the loss of a single man. 
(See tlie copy of my letter to Gen. Robert Howe, dated Sep- 
tember (Uh, 1779.) 

At the close of the campaign, our regiment went to North 
Hampton for Winter quarters, and I was appointed to meet 
the Commissioners of the State of Connecticut at Weathers- 
field, to adjust and settle the depredation of the pay of their 
troops. 

In the course of the last campaign (1779) we were made joy- 
ful by the arrival of the French army, about 0,000 strong, un- 
der the command of the Count Rochambeau. As they arrived 
at Newport, in Rhode Island, they immediately debarked and 
fortified themselves in that place. 

Having now decisive evidence that our august ally, Louis 
XVI., had determined to afford us efficient aid, we considered 
the independence of our coimtvy aisolutety sure. A large fleet 
was also expected with a further reinforcement of troops. 

This gave us strong hopes that tlic next campaign would 
prove to be a vigorous and a decisive one. The pay to the 
army being entirely in continental paper, we were greatly em- 
barrassed to procure even the necessary supplies of food and 
clothing. 

The main body of our army encamped on both sides of the 
Hudson, from Tappan, in New Jersey, to Verplank's Point 
and tiic Croton. In this campaign the enemy extended tiicir 
posts. East on Long Island, for the double purpose of main- 
taining an iUicit intercourse with the people of Connecticut, and 
also that they might protect their foraging parties down Long 
Island. 

Having constant and repeated intelligence from New York, 
and all parts of Long Island, I began to entertain the plan of 
breaking up the whole system. I commenced by stating to 
the Commander-in-Chief the situation of the different fortifica- 
tions, the marauding parties going down the island, and the 
unceasing intercourse of our community with New York, 
etc., etc. 



After this, I began to intimate my plans for beating up the 
enemy's quarters, and disturbing their repose. To all this Gen. 
Washington listened with kind attention, and I felt almost pre- 
pared to make a direct application to cross the Sound with a 
detachment of troops. 
Y^ In the course of the Summer of 1780, Gen. Washington hon- 
' ored me with a separate command, consisting of the dismount- 
. ed dragoons of our regiment and a body of horse. Our dis- 
.1 mounted dragoons had been formed into two companies of 
liffht infantry, and were commanded bv excellent officers, who, 
■ to a man, rejoiced in the idea of separate and active duty. I 
I removed my fine detachment of light troops over towards 
! Horse Neck, from whence I took a station at New Canaan, or 
I North Stamford. This gave me an opportunity to watch the 
enemy, either up on the lines, or across the Sound on Long 
Island. While my detachment laid in this situation. Gen. Par- 
sons proposed to me to aid him in the capture of the enemy's 
fort and garrison on Lloyd's Neck, opposite to Stamford, on 
Long Island. He had with him a very select detachment from 
the Connecticut line, of about 700 men. I readily acceeded to 
his proposal, and held my detachment ready for the enterprise. 
In the meantime, the General sent over a refugee to gain the 
needed intelligence, and directed him to meet him at a given 
place, and at a time appointed. 

Just before the time had arrived to commence our operations, C ^ 
the General proposed to me to take the command of the expe- ! ' 
dition. As he communicated to me his plan of obtaining the , 
needed intelligence, I was alarmed at the character of his | 
agent, especially as he was within the enemy's lines. On the - 
whole, I thought it best to decline the honor of the command, 
but offered to take my detachment under his orders. This put 
an end to the expedition, and afterwards we learned, that on 
the night we had appointed to cross, a large body of the gar- 
rison were stationed at the place appointed for our landing, 
which probably would have annoyed us greatly. 
" After this, I took my station again upon the line, in the 
county of Westchester. After marching, and counter-march- 
ing, skirmishing witli the enemy, catching cow-boys, etc., etc., 



35 

late in the month of September, viz.. on the evening of the 
23rd, I returned from below to the regiment, then near North- 
castle. Soon after I halted, and disposed of my detachment, 
I was informed that a prisoner had been brought in that day 
by the name of John Anderson. On inquiry, I found that 
three men by the names of John Paulding, David Williams, 
and Isaac Van Vert, who had passed below our ordinary mil- 
itary patrols, on the road from Tarrytown to Kingsbridge, had 
fallen in witli this John Anderson, on his way to New York. 
They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry 
papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they 
determined to detain him as a prisoner, notwithstanding Ander- 
son's offers of pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him 
to proceed on his course. They determined to bring him up to 
the head-quarters of our regiment, then^on the advanced post 
of our army, and near Northcastle. /This they effected on the 
forenoon of the 23rd day of September, 1780, by delivering 
said Anderson to Lieut.-Col. John Jameson, of the 2nd Regi- 
ment Light Dragoons, then the commanding ofHcer of said post. 
Col. Sheldon being at old Salem, under arrest, _ 

His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment 
to meet the Count Rochambcau (who commanded the French 
army then at Newport, R. I.,) at Hartford, in Connecticut, about 
the ISth or 20th of September, and was on^hjs return to 
the army at the time of Anderson's capture. / When I reached 
Lieut.-Col. Jameson's quarters, late in the evening of the 23rd, 
and learned the circumstances of the capture of the pris- 
oner, I was very much surprised to find that he had been sent 
by Lieut.-Col. Jameson to Arnold's head-quarters at West 
Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his 
capture. At the same time he dispatched an express with the 
papers found on John Anderson, to meet Gen. Washington, 
tlien on his way to West Point. I did not fail to state the 
glaring inconsistency of this conduct to Lieut.-Col. Jameson, 
in a private and most friendly manner.^. He appeared greatly 
agitated when I suggested to him a measure which I Avished to 
adopt, offering to take the whole responsibility upon myself, 
and which he deemed too perilous to permit. I will not 



36 

further disclose. I finally obtained his reluctant consent 
to have the prisoner brought back to our head-quarters. 
When the order was about to be dispatched to the oificer to 
bring the prisoner back, strange as it may^seem, Lieut.-Col. 
Jameson woidd persist in his purpose of letting his letter go on 
to Gen. Arnold. The letter did go on, and the prisoner re- 
turned before the next morning. 

As soon as I saw Anderson, and especially after I saw him 
walk (as he did almost constantly) across the floor, I became 
impressed with the belief that he had been bred to arms. I 
communicated my suspicion to Lieut. Col. Jameson, and re- 
quested him to notice his gait, especially when he turned on 
his heel to retrace his course across the room. 

It was deemed best to remove the prisoner to Salem, and I 
was to escort him. I was constantly in the room Avith him, 
and he soon became very conversable and extremely interest- 
ing. It was very manifest that his agitation and anxiety were 
great. After dinner on the 24th, perhaps by three o'clock 
P. M., he asked to be favored with a pen, and ink, and paper, 
which I readily granted, and he wrote the letter to Gen. 
Washington, dated " Salem, 24th September, 1780," which is 
recorded in most of the histories of this eventful period. In 
this letter he disclosed his true character to be " Major John 
^Indre, Adjutant- General to the British Army. " 

When I received and read the letter (for he handed it to me 
as soon as he had written it), my agitation was extreme, and 
my emotions Avholly indescribable. If the letter of informa- 
tion had not gone to Gen. Arnold, I should not have hesitated 
for a moment in my purpose, but I knew it must reach him 
before I could possibly get to West Point. 

The express sent with the papers found in Major Andre's 
boots, did not intercept Gen. Washington on his return from 
Hartford, but passed him on the road, and kept on to West 
Point. On tlie 25th, while at breakfast with two of Gen. 
Washington's Aids, who had actually arrived at his quarters, 
Arnold received the letter from Lieut.-Col. Jameson. Know- 
ing that the Commander-in-Chief would soon be there, he im- 
mediately rode down to his boat, and was rowed down the 



37 

Nortli River to the Britisli sloop-of-war, I w/^wrc, which then lay 
in Tappan Bay, below King's Ferry. This was the same vessel 
that brought up Major Andre from New York. Not long 
after Arnold's abrupt and sudden departure from his quarters, 
at Robinson's House, on the East side of the Hudson, opposite 
to West Point, the express delivered the dcspatclies to Gen. 
Washington, who immediately repaired to Arnold's quarters. 
By this time the plot was all discovered, and the guilty traitor 
had escaped. /I took on Major Andre, under a strong escort of 
cavalry, to West Point, and the next day I proceeded down 
the Hudson to King's Ferry, and landed at Haverstraw, on the 
West side of the Hudson, where a large escort of cavalry had 
been sent from the main army at Tappan, with which I escorted 
the prisoner to Head-Quarters. 

After we arrived at Head-Quarters, I reported myself to 
Gen. Washington, who ordered a court consisting of fourteen 
general officers, to sit and hear the case of j\Iajor Andre. On 
the 29th of September, the president of the court (Gen. 
Greene) reported to the Commander-in-Chief that they had 
come to the conclusion, " that Major Andre, Adjutant-General 
to the British Army, ought to be considered as a spy from the 
enemy, and that, agreeably to the law and usage of nations, 
it is their opinion that he ought to suifer death." 

On the 30th of September, the Commander-in-Chief, in gen- 
eral orders, approved of the aforesaid opinion, and ordered 
that the execution should take place, the next day, at 5 o'clock 
P. M. 

On the first of October, 1780, a vast concourse of people as- 
sembled to witness the solemn and affecting scene, when the 
execution Avas postponed, in consequence of a flag having 
arrived from the enemy. Gen. Greene was appointed to meet 
Gen. Robertson at Pobb's Ferry ; but as no satisfactory propo- 
sals were received from Gen. Robertson, Gen. Greene returned 
to HeadQuartersand reported to Gen. Washington. The Cora- 
mander-in-Cliief then ordered that the execution should take 
place on the 2nd of October. Major Andre, having received 
his regimentals from New York, appeared in the complete 
uniform of a British officer, and, in truth, he was a most elea'ant 



38 

and accomplished gentleman. After he was informed of his 
sentence, he showed no signs of perturbed emotions, but wrote 
a most touching and finished letter to Gen. Washington, re- 
questing that the mode of his death might be adapted to the 
feelings of a man of honor. The universal usage of nations 
having affixed to the crime of a spy, death by the gibbet, his re- 
quest could not be granted. As I was with him most of the 
time from his capture, and walked with him as he went to the 
place of execution. I never discovered any emotions of fear 
respecting his future destiny before I reached Tappan, nor of 
emotion when his sentence was made known to him. When 
he came within sight of the gibbet, he appeared to be startled, 
and inquired with some emotion whether he was not to be shot. 
Being informed that the mode first appointed for his death 
could not consistently be altered, he exclaimed, " How hard is 
my fate !" but immediately added, " it will soon be over." I 
tlieu shook hands with him under the gallows and retired. 

Major Andre was executed in his military uniform, in which, 
I think, he was laid in his coffin, but before he was interred, I 
feel satisfied that his servant took oft' his coat, and perhaps 
other outer garments. 

If it comported with the plan of these memoranda, and I could 
trust my feelings, I might enlarge greatly in anecdotes relating 
to this momentous event in our revolutionary war, and espe- 
cially those which relate to this most accomplished young man. 
Some things relating to the detention of Andre, after he had 
been sent on to Gen. Arnold, are purposely omitted, and some 
confidential communications which took place, of a more private 
nature, serve rather to mark the ingenuous character of the 
man, than to require being noticed at this time. I will, how- 
ever, rem.ark, that for the few days of intimate intercourse I 
had with him, which was from the time of his being brought 
brought back to our head-quarters to the day of his execution, 
I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that I can re- 
member no instance where my affections were so fully absorb- 
ed in any man. When I saw him swinging under the gibbet, it 
seemed for a time as if I could not support it. All the spec- 
tators seemed to be overwhelmed by the affecting spectacle, 



39 

and many were suffused in tears. There did not appear to be 
one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude. 

Tlio next day after the execution of !Major Andre, October 
;5rd, 1780, I set out on my return to rejoin my detaclmicnt in 
the county of Westchester. There my duties became very 
arduous, the late events having excited much rage on the part 
of the enemy. What with cow-boys, skinners, and refugees, wc 
had as much as wc could turn our hands to. to keep from being 
waylaid and fired upon from thickets and stony eminences, 
about Salem, Xorthcastlc, and White Plains. Indeed, it was 
not an unusual thing to have our sentinels fired on from parties 
who would crawl up in the darkness of the night, and then dis- 
appear. 

As soon as I had settled again in the courscof our duties, my 
former scheme of annoying the enemy on Long Island came 
fresh upon my mind. I therefo^'C directed my agents there 
to obtain for me the most accurate returns of the fortifi- 
cations in Suffolk county, Long Island, at a point which pro- 
jects into South Bay, on Smith's Manor, being their most 
easterly ])oint of defense. This I found to be a triangular inclos- 
urc of several acres of ground, at two angles of which was a 
strong ])arricadc house, and at the tliird, a fort, wMtli a deep 
ditch and wall encircled by an abatis of sharpened pickets, pro- 
jecting at an angle of 45 degrees. The fort and liouscs were 
entirely connected by a strong stockade, quite high, and every 
post sharpened, and fastened to each other by a transverse rail 
strongly bolted to each. The works were nearly finished, when 
I proposed to the Commander-in-Chief to let me go over and 
demolish the same. He heard me with pleasure, but on the 
whole concluded that the danger attending the whole expedi- 
tion was too great to warrant the undertaking. My hopes be- 
ing disappointed for that time, I did not abandon the project. 
but continued my inquiries on Long Island. Towards the last 
of October, or the beginning of November, 1780, I determined 
to cross the Sound myself, and go over to Long Island for the 
purpose of obtaining intelligence. This I accomplished and 
returned in safety. Among other things, I learned that the 
fortress at Smith's Manor was completed — that it was the de- 



40 

pository of stores, dry goods, groceries, and arms, from whence 
Suffolk county could be supplied ; and the works presented, on 
the whole, a most formidable appearance. 

Having now procured an accurate draft of Fort St. George, 
as delineated on a small scale on the foregoing page, and also 
information that a large quantity of hay and forage had been 
collected by the enemy at Corum, from the East end of Long 
Island, I began urgently to importune Gei^. Washington to 
permit me to capture the fort and destroy the magazine of for- 
age. 

On the 11th of November -he answered my letter, and author- 
ized the enterprise. All necessary preparations being made, 
on the 21st of November, 1780, at about 4 o'clock P. M., I 
embarked my detachment, composed of two companies of dis- 
mounted dragoons, and in all short of 100 selected men, at 
Fairfield, and the same evening, at 9 o'clock, we landed at a 
place on Long Island, called the Old Man^s. I was obliged to 
go thus far East, to avoid a large body of the enemy which lay 
at Huntington and its vicinity, in our direct course from 
Stamford. Soon after we landed, say by 10 o'clock, I put the 
troops in motion to cross Long Island. We had not gone far, 
say four or five miles, before the wind began to blow from the 
southeast, and the rain soon followed. I faced the troops 
about, returned to our boats, which were drawn up and placed 
in the busli€s for concealment. There we remained through 
the night, and the next day, at evening, the rain abated, and I 
ordered the troops to march for our destined place on the 
South side of Long Island. At 4 o'clock next morning, I 
found we were within two miles of Fort St. George. We 
halted for a short time to take a little refreshment. Having 
made my arrangements for the plan of attack, I placed two 
small detaclnnents under the command of subaltern officers of 
high spirit, at different positions from the fort, with orders to 
keep concealed until the enemy should fire on my column. 
Just as the day began to dawn I put my detachment in motion. 
The pioneers, who preceded my column, had reached within 
40 yards of the stockade before they were discovered by the 
enemy. At this moment, the sentinel in advance of the stock- 



41 

ado, halted liis march, looked attentively at our column, and 
demanded " Who comes there ?" and fired. Before the smoke 
from his <Tun had cleared his vision, my sergeant, who marched 
by my side, reached him with his bayonet, and prostrated 
him. This was the signal for the other detachments to move 
forward, when all seemed to vie with each other to enter the 
fort. So resolute were the troops, that a break was soon made 
in the stockade, where the rear platoon halted to prevent the 
prisoners from escaping. I led the column directly through 
the Grand Parade against the main fort, which Ave carried with 
the bayonet, in less than ten minutes, not a musket being load- 
ed. At the same instant that I entered on one side of the fort, 
the officers commanding the two smaller detachments mounted 
the ramparts on the other side, and the watch-word, " Washing- 
ton and glory,'' was repeated from three points of the fort at 
the Ji^amc time. While we were standing, elated with victory, 
in the centre of the fort, a volley of musketry was discharged 
from the windows of one of the large houses, which induced 
rae to order my whole detachment to load and return the fire. 
I soon found it necessary to lead the column directly to the 
house, which, being strongly barricaded, required the aid of 
the pioneers with their axes. As soon as the troops could en- 
ter, the confusion and conflict were great. A considerable 
portion of those who had fired after the fort was taken, and 
the colors had been struck, were thrown headlong from the 
windows of the second story to the ground. Having forfeited 
their lives by the usages of war, all would have been killed 
had I not ordered the slaughter to cease. The prisoners being 
secured, it was soon discovered that the shipping which lay 
near to that fort, loaded with stores, etc., were getting under 
way. The guns in the fort were brought to bear on them, 
and they were soon secured. All things were now secured and 
quiet, and I had never seen the sun rise more pleasantly. It 
now became necessary to demolish the enemy's works, as far as 
possible, which Avas done. An immense quantity of stores, 
of various kinds, was destroyed. The shipping and their 
stores were also burnt up. Some valuable articles of dry 
goods were made up in l)undlcs, placed on the prisoners' 



42 

slioulders, who were pinioned two and two together, and thus 
carried across the island to our boats. The work of captur- 
ing and destroying this fortress being effected, at 8 o'clock 
A. M, 1 put the troops under march to re-cross the island to our 
boats. Having given the command of the detachment to Capt. 
Edgar, with orders to halt at a given point at the middle of 
the island, I selected ten or twelve men, and mounted them on 
horses taken at the fort, with which I intended to destroy the 
King's magazine at Coram. This place was nearly half way 
to the pdace where a large detachment of British troops was 
encamped, East from Huntington. I reached the place in about 
an hour and a half, made a vigorous charge upon the guard 
placed to protect the magazine, set it all on fire, and in about 
one and a half hours more reached the place where I had or- 
dered the detachment to halt, having ridden about 16 miles. 

When I arrived at the rendezvous, I was gratified to see the 
head of the detachment under Capt. Edgar, with the prisoners, 
just then advancing. As none of us had halted since we parted, 
we sat down for nearly an hour and refreshed. After this we 
took up our line of march again, and by 4 o'clock reached our 
boats. These we soon put into the water, and before the sun 
set we were all afloat on the Sound, heading for the port 
whence we embarked. 

By midnight, or about 1 o'clock the next morning, every 
boat arrived at Fairfield beach, although we had entirely lost 
sight of each other by reason of the darkness of the night. 

This service was executed without the loss of a man from 
my detachment, and one only was badly wounded, and him 
we brought off. The enemy's loss was seven killed and wound- 
ed, the most of them mortally. We took one lieut.-colonel, 
the commandant, one lieutenant, one surgeon, and fifty rank 
and file, with a host of others in the garrison. (See Journals 
of Congress, December 4th and 6th, 1780, vol. vi.) 

No person but a military man knows how to appreciate the 
honor bestowed, wlien the Commander-in-Chief and the Con- 
gress of the United States return thanks for a military achieve- 
ment. On this occasion, tlie most honorable mention was 
made by both, and conveyed in the most flattering manner. 



43 

After the troop.s were recruited, say in two or three days, I 
moved my detachment to their former station on the line. On 
this duty wc continued until late in December, when the regi- 
ment repaired to Simsbury and Windsor for Winter quarters^ 

Operations on the lines having ceased, and both armies, as 
if by common consent, having gone into quarters, my business 
as well as inclination led me to move into tlie vicinity of the 
Sound, that 1 might tind some spot where the common enemy 
might be annoyed. 

I pretty soon conceived the idea, and suggested to Gen. 
Washington the plan, of taking Lloyd's Neck Fort and its 
neighboring fortress, about 8 miles eastward on Long Island. 
When tlic campaign was about commencing, I opened my mind 
fully to the Commander-in-Chief, in a letter dated April Gth, 
1781, and he having expressed a favorable opinion of the en- 
terprise, about the 22nd of April I concluded once more 
to go over to Long Island, to obtain the best informa- 
tion I could get respecting the enemy's posts, their strength 
in troops, and works, in the hope that I might soon be 
permitted to go over and beat uj) their quarters. This I 
accomplished, and informed Gen. Washington that by the aid 
of a small naval force, say two frigates, the Sound could be 
cleared, and with his permission I would take my own detach- 
ment, and such additional force as he should judge necessary, 
and break uj) their establishment at Lloyd's Neck, of about 
800 men, and Fort Slongo, of about 150 men. 

Gen. Washington immediately furnished me with a very flat- 
tering introduction to Count Ilochambeau, then at Rhode 
Island, and permitted me to be the bearer of it. I immediately 
set off for Newport, about 140 miles distant, where I arrived 
A))ril 22nd, and was most favorably received by Count Rocli- 
ambeau, who commanded tlie French army, and the Chevalier 
Destouclics. who commanded the French fleet. Tlie absence 
of the smaller ships of the squadron, on special service, prevent- 
ed the execution of the plan. 

The enterprise was of necessity abandoned for the time, 
and 1 again returned to my command on the lines. As the 
French army was expected to take the fleld with us in this 



44 

campaign, great exertions were made to put the troops in the 
best order. 

I proceeded to Hartford, to procure horses and accoutre- 
ments for our regiment, and while there the van of tlie French 
army arrived, on their way to our camp. On the 25th of June, 
1781, the French army left Hartford, passing through Farming- 
ton, Woodbury, Newton, etc., to Bedford. I soon followed, 
and when they were near the lines, the light troops of our 
army, met the French army, and Gen. Washington moved down 
with a fine body of troops, to look at the enemy at Kings- 
bridge. The red-coats got under arms, and seemed to act as if 
they expected an attack. 

Wc continued in view of each other throughout the day, 
and then retired for repose. The next day, the same maneu- 
ver took place, and I presume there were many in both corps 
who wished the British troops to leave their strong entrench- 
ments beyond Kingsbridge, and give the allied force an oppor- 
tunity to pay their respects to them. As Sir Henry Clinton 
very prudently kept within his own fortified encampment, Gen. 
Washington directed the troops to retire towards White Plains 
on the left, and Tarry town on the right. In this situation the 
army remained for some time, viz., through the month of July^ 
and past the middle of August. About the 20th of August, the 
army was again ordered to be in readiness to march. The 
common opinion was, that our movement was to be toward 
Kingsbridge, where some pretty serious work was expected. 
It soon appeared that the main body of the combined forces 
was moving up the Hudson, and when the troops reached King's 
Ferry they began to cross the river. 

Sheldon's Regiment of Dragoons was continued on the lines 
in the county of Westchester, and a part of the infantry, under 
Gen. Heath, was stationed in the Highlands, about Peekskill 
and West Point. Gen. Washington having his own plan of 
operations, entirely deceived the British General, by marching 
his combined force down New Jersey opposite to New York, as 
if he intended an investment of that city. After maneuvering 
a few days in September opposite to Staten Island, of a sudden 
the whole armv were found in full march for the Delaware 



45- 

River, wliich Ihcy crossed at Trenton, and tlien proceeded on 
to the head of the Elk, where they embarked to move down the 
Chesapeake Bay for Yorktown, where Lord Cornwallis liad 
taken liis station. -— 

While the army was on its march and at riiiladelphia, the 
pleasing intelligence was received that Count De Grasse, with 
3G sail of the line, had arrived in the Chesapeake Bay, with 
3,000 land troops on board. Every exertion was now made to 
hasten on the troops, and before the close of September the 
combined army had reached their place of destination, and 
Gen. Washington commenced in form the seige of Yorktown. 

This seige was carried on with great vigor, parallel 
after parallel being laid out, and the intrenchments completed, 
while the two advanced redoubts of the enemy had been taken 
by storm. 

On the 18th of October, 1781, Lord Cornwallis sent out a 
flag proposing a capitulation, asking for 24 hours to settle the 
preliminaries. Gen. Washington replied and allowed 12 hours. 
On the I'.llh his Lordshii) surrendered his whole army of 7,247 
efl'ective men. The total number who capitulated (including 
wounded, and the sick in hos))ital) may probably be fairly 
rated at 11,000 men — 75 pieces of brass, and 169 pieces of iron 
ordnance, with 7,704 muskets were also surrendered. 

Never was mortification greater than this hauglity, cruel, 
plundering army exhibited on this humiliating occasion. The 
joy and exultation were proportionally great in the allied 
army, although not the smallest insult was offered to the pris- 
oners. The terms of the capitulation, and other incidents con- 
nected with it, are recorded in history, which I purposely omit. 

As light dragoons were not needed in a seige, for the first 
time since the Continental army was raised, our regiment was 
not under the immediate command of Gen. Washington. I 
returned to my own command. 

As the army on the East side of the North River was great- 
ly weakened by the march of the main body to. Virginia, our 
duty on tiie lines was of course very severe. Having been 
honored by the Commander-in-Chief with a separate command, 
I moved wherever duty seemed to call. My former plan of 



46 

annoying the enemy on the Sound, and on Long Island, came 
fresh to my recollection. 

The fortress at Treadwell's Neck, called Fort Slango, seemed 
to demand attention, as the next in course to Fort St. George 
which we had already taken. On the 1st of October, I moved 
my detachment of light infantry into the neighborhood of Nor- 
walk. At the same time I directed a suitable number of boats 
to assemble at the mouth of the Saugatuck River, East of the 
town of Norwalk, and on the evening of the 2nd of October, 
1781, at 9 o'clock, I embarked a part of my detachment, and 
placed Major Trescot at the head of it, with orders to assail 
the fort at a particular point. 

The troops landed on Long Island by 4 o'clock, and at the 
dawn of day the attack was made and the fortress subdued- 
The blockhouse and other combustible materials were burnt, and 
the detachment and prisoners returned in safety. 

Soon after this I returned to my old station on the lines 
about the White Plains, where we found enough to do to protect 
the inhabitants against the refugee corps, under Col. Pelancy, 
at Westchester, and the cow-boys, and skinners who infested 
the lines. On similar service the remainder of the campaign 
was employed, while the combined army under the victorious 
Washington, returned from the capture of Lord Cornwallis and 
once more took up their quarters on both sides of the Hudson. 

The campaign having again opened (1782), the general opin- 
ion was that the toils and perils of the war would soon close, 
and that peace might soon be looked for to terminate tlie 
struggle. The country seemed already to feel as if our inde- 
pendence was sure, and as if little effort was now needed to 
consummate the work. 

Whatever might have been the private opinion of Gen. 
Washington, he impressed upon the army the necessity of strict 
discipline, that the troops might be prepared for any emergen- 
cy. A reform of the army having taken place, and many super- 
numerary officers having been permitted to retire, the phalanx 
that remained in the field was organized anew, and we felt 
able to contend with the enemy on any ground. In fact it be- 
came an object of solicitude to come in contact with the foe at 
any time. 



47 

The enemy now kcopinij very much within their lines, tliey 
fravc us but few opportunities to reach them in combat. As the 
war appeared to be drawing to a close, the spirit of trade and 
intercourse with New York seemed greatly to increase. My 
detachment was therefore posted near the Sound, from whence 
we occasionally visited Ilorseneck, and the plains on the lines 
in the county of Westchester, where driving cattle to the ene- 
my, etc., was a business of almost constant employment. Gen. 
Carlton having succeeded to the command of the British army, 
and pursuing a peaceful policy, greatly increased the intercourse. 
But my orders being very strict to prevent it, we were kept on 
pretty close duty through this campaign. Towards the close 
of the campaign, a detachment of British troops, about 600 
strong, came down Long Island into Suffolk county and encamp- 
ed at Huntington, as if for Winter quarters. 

As soon as I was informed of this fact, I endeavored to 
obtain the fullest particulars ; and having learned that a 
considerable portion of the British light horse, covered by a 
body of infantry, liad taken uj) their quarters at Huntington, 
on the North side of Long Island, I conceived the plan of 
beating up their quarters. It was about the 20th of November, 
1782, when they felt safe from any attack from our side of the 
water, and more from the lateness of the season. Having 
matured my plan, I disclosed it to the Commander-in-Chief, 
and requested his permission to go over and accomplish my 
c)bje<'t. I even went to Head-Quarters, and had a personal 
interview with Gen. Washington on this subject. Having ob- 
tained his permission to undertake the expedition about the 
first of December, I began to make the necessary arrangements 
to carry this my favorite plan into execution. I was, however, 
informed by Gen. Washington, that altliough I might collect 
my boats, so as to give no alarm, I must not undertake to ex- 
ecute the plan, before he named to me the precise time. My 
order finally came, naming the night of the 5th of December, 
1782. The fact was. Gen. Washington had planned an expe- 
dition down the North River at the same time. His intention 
was to have thrown a large detachment of his army below 
Fort Washington, while he moved down with the main body 



48 

to Fort Independence and Kingsbridge. The enemy thus 
placed between two fires, would have been forced to yield, 
while, with my detachment on Long Island, they would have 
found themselves attacked on all sides. 

My detachment consisted of four companies of light infan- 
try — chosen troops — and a body of dismounted dragoons, to 
mount the captured horses of the enemy. I had also a body 
of Connecticut levies attached to my command, amounting in 
all to about 700 men. On the evening of the Stii of December, 
1782, the different detachments met (for the first time) in the 
vicinity of Stamford, from whence they moved on to Shipan 
Point, where I had ordered the boats to assemble. Here, find- 
ing such preparations, the oflficers first began to suspect that 
something pretty serious was going on. When the sun had 
set, the weather being severe, I ordered the whole detachment 
to parade on the shore, where our little fleet had assembled. 
As soon as the platoons were assigned to each boat, they be- 
gan to embark, but before one-half of the troops had entered 
the boats, I discovered a squall of wind rising from the West, 
accompanied by rain, which, from its violence, made it nec- 
essary to halt and disembark the troops which had entered 
the boats. The violence of the wind and rain, mixed with 
snow, continued through the night, so that Ave were obliged 
to draw up our boats and turn tliem over to protect the troops 
from the pelting storm. The next morning the rain had 
ceased, but the face of the Sound was a perfect foam, so that 
no boat could have been kept above water for five minutes. 
The wind lasted through the day, and at sunset it somewhat 
abated, so that I ordered the troops again to parade. A few 
of the boats were put into the water, but the wind rising again, 
we were obliged to desist. The second night was spent 
in the same manner as the first, and the next day I was inform- 
ed that three boats from Long Island had taken refuge on one 
of the Norwalk islands, a few miles to the eastward of us, 
wind-bound like ourselves, and could not return. The wind 
and sea abating somewhat of their violence, and the enemy's 
boats appearing on the Sound returning to Long Island, I or- 
dered six of my best boats (with sails) to be manned, and Capt. 



49 

Brewster, an experienced sailor, was directed to look up the 
enemy, and if possible to capture them. The boats put off 
from the shore, and although their course was before the wind, 
three of them were obliged to turn back. The enemy see- 
ing our boats bearing down upon them, pressed all sail as 
well as oars, and steered for Long Island. 

Caj)t. Brewster steered his course so judiciously, that before 
they had reached the middle of the Sound (being here about 
I'J miles wide) he fell in Avitli two of their heaviest boats, 
when they engaged with great fury. On the first fire, every 
man in one of the enemy's boats fell, being either killed or 
wounded. Capt. Brewster received a ball in his breast, which 
passed through his body. He, however, captured the two boats, 
and one escaped. Although we supposed Capt. Brewster mor- 
tally wounded, yet ho recovered, and lived to be nearly 80 
years old. 

On the third night 1 determined, if possible, to cross the 
Sound, and with the same flattering prospects when the sun 
set, I made preparations to embark the troops, when the 
wind rising again most furiously, I was constrained to give 
over the expedition, which became the more advisable as one 
of the enemy's boats had escaped, and probably had given the 
information that a body of our troops were on Shipan Point. 

The next day I removed my detachment and put them under 
march for camp. On the 8th of December, 1782, I made my 
report to Gen. "Washington, more severely mortified and cha- 
grined than I had ever been in my life. A letter in re- 
ply from (tcn. Washington, dated December 10, 1782, fully ap- 
proving my conduct, served to raise my spirits again. 

"What added greatly to my mortification, Avas the knowledge 
that my enterprise was a part of another, much more important, 
on the North River and below Fort "Washington, stated a little 
back : but I soon learned tliat this enterprise also failed. On 
the day previous to the evening when the troops were to have 
passed down the river, some British ships anchored above Fort 
Washington, so that no boats could pass by them undiscovered. 
I cannot say but even this great disappointment gave me some 
relief under my own providential prevention. But what is 
i 



50 

most worthy of notice, is the fact that when these two attempts 
were to have been made, in which doubtless many lives would 
have been lost, the preliminary articles of peace had been 
actually signed. This was not known to us. 

The campaign having now closed, I took my old station upon 
the shores of the Sound. Through my private emissaries, I 
obtained much information respecting the illicit trade carried 
on to Long Island, etc., and many of these trading boats fell 
into our hands. One adventure I must relate, from the singu- 
lar circumstances which accompanied it. In the course of the 
Winter, I was informed that one of our public armed vessels, 
which was appointed to cruise in the Sound to protect our com- 
merce and to prevent the illicit trade (technically called the 
London trade) ^ was actually engaged in carrying it on. She 
was a large sloop called the Shuldham, armed and equipped, 'and 
commanded, I think, by Capt. Hoyt. I hardly knew how to 
suspect him, but having been minutely informed of the invoice 
of her goods, and that she would l)e at Norwalk on a given 
day, I felt in duty bound, under my orders, to watch her. I 
repaired to Norwalk with a few dragoons, and finding said 
sloop coming up the harbor, I took out a warrant, got a con- 
stable, and when she anchored below at the Old Wells, I got a 
boat and went on board. After due salutations were passed, I 
took the captain into the cabin and informed him of my suspi- 
cions and errand. He flew into a great passion, and first 
threatened to throw me overboard. I endeavored to satisfy him 
of the futility of such threats, and ordered him, by virtue of 
my superior military rank, to obey my commands. He imme- 
diately ordered the anchor to be weighed and the sails hoisted, 
and stood out to sea, with a smart wind at northwest. I or- 
dered him to put back, but lie refused, and swore most vehe- 
mently that he would throw mc overboard, when I assured him 
if he made any such attempt I would certainly take him along 
with me. My captain continued his course towards Lloyd's 
Neck, where the enemy's fleet lay, until we had reached about 
the middle of the Sound. I inquired of him where he was 
going, wlien he informed me, with an oath, that he Avould carry 
me over to the enemy. I informed him that for such an oflense. 



51 

by our martial law, ho exposed himself to the 'punishment of 
death . 

He professed to care nothing for the consequences, and swore 
lie would do it. I maintained my former course, and very 
sternly ordered him to put about his vessel and return to Nor- 
walk, assuring him that if he executed his threat I would have 
him hanged as high as Haman hung, if I ever returned, as I 
did not doubt I should. The time now became critical, for we 
were rapidly approaching the enemy, when I again demanded 
that he should put about his ship and return. He now began 
to hesitate, and in a few minutes he ordered his men to their 
posts, and put his vessel about and steered directly back into 
Norwalk harbor. As soon as he came to anchor down at Old 
Wells, so called, the captain went ashore in his boat, and I 
never saw him again. I now found myself in the peaceable 
possession of the vessel and its cargo. On taking up the scut- 
tle in the cabin, I found the assortment of English goods 
agreeably to my invoice, which I had duly libeled and con. 
demned. Thus ended my hazardous contest with the captain 
of the Shuldham, who must have been a man void of principle, 
and wholly unworthy the commission he held. 

On the 20th January, 1783, we captured several boats with 
goods, etc., both foreign and domestic. 

Having noticed one of the enemy's armed vessels frequently 
passing across the Sound, and taking her station at anchor un- 
der Stratford Point, and learning that her special business was 
to bring over goods, and take back produce in return, as well 
as to annoy our commerce from East to West through the Sound, 
I began to entertain hopes that we might capture or destroy 
her. To this end, I rode over to Bridgeport to find some suit- 
able vessel for the purpose. Capt. Hubbel had the very thing 
I wanted, and moreover wished to have the Sound freed from 
such a nuisance, as he wished to prosecute his accustomed voy- 
ages to Boston, etc. We finally came to the following agree- 
ment, viz. : Capt. Hubbel engaged so to manage and navigate 
his vessel as that he would absolutely come in contact with the 
enemy's sloop-of-war ; which being done, I engaged to take 
lier or ]xiy him for his vessel, which must of course fall into 



the enemy's hands. I accordingly ordered 45 men from my 
detachment, under the immediate orders of Lients. Rhea and 
Stanley, of the Legion, together with Capt. Brewster's boat's 
crew of continental troops, to be held ready for service. On 
the 20th of February, 1783, the same vessel was discovered 
under Stratford Point. The troops were immediately embark- 
ed — the whole to be commanded by Capt. Brewster — with par- 
ticular orders not to appear on deck until they should be 
needed. Capt. Amos Hubbel, who commanded our vessel, left 
his anchorage at about 2 o'clock, and at 4 P. M. the vessels 
were within speaking distance. The enemy immediately com- 
menced a full discharge of their cannon and swivels, which 
crippled Capt. Hubbel's vessel in her hull, mast, and rigging 
very considerably. He, however, stood at the helm himself, 
and although a shot had passed through his mast, yet he 
brought his bow directly across the side of the British ship. 

When within a few yards of each other, the order was given 
for the troops to appear on deck, Avhen the command to fire 
immediately followed, and in a moment the two vessels came in 
contact, when the whole detachment boarded the enemy's ship 
with fixed bayonets, and she was captured as in a moment. 
Nearly every man on board, was either killed or wounded, 
while not a man of our detachment was hurt. 

In a few hours both vessels were snugly moored at Blackrock 
harbor, and all was again quiet. I reported this affair to the 
Comandcr-in-Chief. who returned his thanks in his letter dated 
February 26th, 1783, and gave an order of condemnation of the 
prize, the avails of which were duly distributed to the troops. 

After this event we captured several boats, some belonging 
to the British and some to our side, for we served all that Ave 
found carrying on this illicit trade pretty much alike. 

While I was prosecuting my military duties at the head of 
my brave detachment, after the campaign opened for the year 
1783, on the 18th of April, the Commander-in-Chief announced 
in several orders the cessation of hostilities, as the preliminary 
articles of peace had been received by Cong'ress. He there- 
fore ordered the cessation of hostililites between the United 
States of America, and the King of Great Britain to be public- 
ly proclaimed the next day at noon. 



53 

This seemed to put an cud to tlie further eflfusion of blood. 
It was, liowever, by no means certain that peace would ensue, 
and the Commander-in-Chief called on me most prcssingly to 
obtain information as to the probable movements of the enemy, 
as his letters will fully evince. 

In the preceding month, Avhen all seemed to suppose that 
peace was very near, an anonymous writer addressed the army 
in a style calculated to inflame their injured feelings, and to ex- 
cite them to deeds of outrage and violence against their coun- 
try. 

The address was couched in language the most engaging, 
and calculated to inflame the angry passions of the army against 
that country for which they had fought and bled, and in whose 
cause they had sustained such unparalleled sufterings. The 
author of this anonymous address was then supposed to be 
Major Armstrong, who for some time had been an Aid-de-Camp 
to Gen. Gates. Within a little time past, Gen. Armstrong 
(then Major Armstrong) has acknowleged that he was the 
author of said anonymous address. 

The Connnandcr-in-Chief, having noticed and disapproved of 
said address in general orders, the next day a second anony- 
mous paper made its appearance, more inflammatory, if possible, 
than the lirst. This induced Gen. Washington to convene the 
general and field officers of the army, with a deputation from 
the officers of the line, to whom he delivered a most interest- 
ing and feeling address, in which he wholly disapproved of the 
course proposed for the officers to pursue. He assured them 
that they might depend upon his exertions to obtain remunera- 
tion from the United States for their services, which he did 
not doubt would be done as soon as the Government could raise 
the money. 

To this the officers responded most respectfully and affec- 
tionately, and assured their great leader and commander that 
they abhorred the measure proposed by the anonymous writer, 
and would not dishonor themselves by adopting the course by 
him suggested. This put a most fortunate end to this parri- 
cidal advice. 

In view of the dissolution of the armv, when tlie officers 



54 

would disperse, most probably never to meet again in this 
world, a proposal was made to establish a society to which 
every officer might belong, by subscribing to its principles. A 
committee having been appointed at the suggestion of Gen. 
Knox, and by tlic approbation of the Commander-in-Chief, to 
devise some suitable mode in which this object could be answer- 
ed, and the mutual friendships of the officers of the army of 
the revolution maintained and cemented, a plan was drawn 
up and reported. On the 10th of May, 1783, the officers held 
their first meeting, at which tlie Baron Steuben, as senior officer, 
presided. Gens. Knox, Huntington, and Hand, with Capt. 
Shaw, were chosen a committee to revise the proposal which 
had been submitted as the basis of the Institution. On the 
13th of the same month, another meeting was held at Baron 
Steuben's quarters, when the committee aforesaid reported a 
plan for establising a society, which was accepted, and is as 
follows : 

" It has pleased the Supreme Governor of the Universe, in 
the disposition of human affairs, to cause the separation of the 
Colonies of North America from the domination of Great 
Britain, and after a bloody conflict of eight years, to establish 
them free, independent, and soverign States, connected by 
alliances founded on reciprocal advantages, with some of the 
greatest princes and powers of the earth. 

" To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance of this 
vast event, as the mutual friendships Avhich have been formed 
under the pressure of common danger, and in many instances 
cemented by the blood of the parties, the officers of the Amer- 
ican army do hereby in the most solemn manner associate, 
constitute, and combine themselves into one society of friends, 
to endure as long as they shall endure, or any of their eldest 
male posterity, and in failure thereof, the collateral branches, 
who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and 
members. 

" The officers of the American army having generally been 
taken from the citizens of America, possess high veneration for 
the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius Quintius Cincin- 
natus, and being resolved to follow his example, by returning 



55 

to their citizenship, tliey think they may with propriety denom- 
inate themselves the Society of the Cincinnati. 

'• The following principles shall be immutable, and form the 
basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : 

" An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted 
rights and liberties of human nature for which they have fouglit 
and bled, and without Avhich the high rank of a rational being 
is a curse instead of a l)lessing. 

" An unalterable determination to promote and cherish be- 
tween tlie respective States, that union and national honor so 
essentially necessary to their happiness and the future dignity 
of the American Confederacy. 

"To render permanent tlio cordial affection subsisting among 
the officers, this spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all 
things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of 
beneficence, according to the ability of the Society, towards 
tiiose officers and their families who, unfortunately, may be 
under the necessity of receiving it. 

"Tiio General Society will, for the sake of frequent commu- 
nication, be divided into State Societies, and those again into 
sucli districts as shall be directed by the State Society. 

" The Societies of the districts to meet as often as shall be 
agreed on by the State Society. Those of the State, on the 
fourth of July annually, or oftener, if they shall find it expedi- 
ent, and the General Society on the first Monday in May, 
annually, so long as they shall deem it necessary; afterwards 
at least once in every three years. 

" At .each meeting, the principles of the Institution will be 
fully considered, and the best measures to promote them 
adopted. 

" The State Societies to have a President, Vice-President, 
Secretary, Treasurer, and Assistant Treasurer, to be chosen 
annually by a majority of votes at the State meeting. 

" In order to form funds w4iich may be respectable and as- 
sist tlie unfortunate, each officer shall deliver to the Treasurer 
of the State Society one month's pay, which shall remain for- 
ever to the use of the State Society, the interest only of which, 
if necessary, to be appropriated to the relief of the unfortunate. 



56 

" The Society shall have an order, by which its members 
shall be known and distinguished, which shall be a medal of 
gold, of a proper size to receive the emblems, and be suspended 
by a deep blue ribbon, two inches wide, edged with white, de- 
scriptive of the union of America and Fame." 

Gen. Washington was chosen President of the General 
Society, and the officers in the respective States organized 
their State Societies. In the Connecticut line, to which I 
belonged, the officers generally deposited a month's pay in pub- 
lic securities, which, being afterwards funded by the government, 
made a handsome capital. 

Being chosen Treasurer, I brought the capital stock to be a 
productive fund — the surplus interest being made aprincipal. 
In this office I continued several years, until I was chosen 
President of the Society, when I resigned the Treasurer's seals. 
In many of the States, acts of incorporation had been obtained 
for their State Societies, which became necessary for the pro- 
tection of their funds. Application was made repeatedly for a 
like privilege for our State Society ; but there seemed to be a 
jealousy in the minds of some that it would be like encouraging 
a sort of self-erected aristocracy. 

About this time Gen. Washington, our President-General, 
feeling unwilling to do anything to excite a popular ferment, 
especially towards the officers of the late revolutionary army, 
proposed to the State Societies to abolish the Institution. 
He felt so unwilling to be instrumental in any way to such 
an end, that he requested Col. Humphreys to attend one of 
our anniversary meetings, and to explain his views and wishes 
to us. Having no prospect of obtaining a charter from the 
State to protect our funds, we discussed the subject pretty 
fully, and finally agreed to abolish the Institution in Connecticut. 
We further agreed to pass our funds over into the hands 
of the Treasurer of Yale College, leaving it optional with 
every officer to withdraw his subscription, or not, as he pleased. 

Peace having finally been agreed on between Great Britain 
and the United States of America, on the second of September, 
1783. Gen. Washington issued his farewell orders to the armies 
of the United States, which he had commanded for the previous 



67 

eight years. His language was so impressive, and his advice so 
appropriate, tliat I cannot deny myself the pleasure of transcrib- 
ing them into my journal. Having taken notice of the procla- 
mation of Congress under date of October 18th, 1783, he adds : 

" It only remains for tiie Commander-in-Chief to address him- 
self once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the 
United States, however widely dispersed the individuals who 
composed them may be. and to bid them an affectionate, a long 
farewell. But before the Commander-in-Chief takes his final 
leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself 
a few moments in a brief review of the past. 

" He will then take theliberty of exploring, with his military 
friends, their future prospects ; of advising the general line of 
conduct which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued, and he will 
conclude the address by expressing the obligations he feels him- 
self under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced 
from them in the performance of an arduous office. 

'• A contemplation of the complete attainment, at a period 
earlier than could have been expected, of the object for Avhich 
we contended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire 
us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous cir- 
cumstances on our part with which the war was undertaken, 
can never V)c forgotten. The singular interpositions of Provi- 
dence, in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely es- 
cape the attention of the most unobserving. While the unpar- 
alleled perseverence of the armies of the United States, 
through almost every possible suffering and discouragement, 
for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing 
miracle. 

'* It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this ad- 
dress to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, 
nor to describe the distresses which, in several instances, have 
resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined 
with the rigors of an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to 
dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American 
officer and soldier must noAv console himself for any unpleasant 
circumstances which may have occurred, by the recollection of 
the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no in- 



68 

glorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been 
a witness — events which have seldom if ever before taken 
place on the stage of human action ; nor can this probably ever 
happen again. For who has ever before seen a disciplined ar- 
my formed from such raw materials ? Who that was not a 
witness could imagine that the most violent local prejudices 
would cease so soon, and that men who came from the different 
parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of educa- 
tion to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly be- 
come one patriotic band of brothers ? Or who that was not on 
the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolu- 
tion has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our 
toils ? 

" It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects 
of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence 
and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description ; and 
shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to 
those inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field 
of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings 
that have been obtained ? In such a republic, who will exclude 
them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors ? 

" In such a country, so happily.circumstanced, the pursuits of 
commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry 
the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers who 
are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford 
ample and profitable employment, and the extensive and fertile 
regions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those 
who are fond of domestic employment, and seeking personal 
independence. Nor is it possible to conceive that any one of 
the United States will prefer a national bankruptcy and the 
dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the requisitions 
of Congress, and the payment of its just debts, so that the offi- 
cers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance in recom- 
mencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to tliem from 
the public, which must and will inevitably be paid. 

" In order to efTect this desirable purpose, and to remove the 
prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of 
the good people of the States, it was earnestly recommended to 



59 

all the troops, that with strong attachments to the Union, they 
sliould carry with them into civil society the most conciliatory 
dispositions, and that they should prove themselves not less 
virtuous and useful a citizens, than they have been persevering 
and victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some 
envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the 
public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; 
yet, let such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any 
instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered that 
tlic unbiased voice of the free citizens of the United States 
has promised the just reward, and given the merited applause. 
Let it be known and remembered that the reputation of the 
federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence, 
and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still 
excite the men who composed them to honorable action, under 
the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, 
and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the 
more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise 
were in the field. Every one may rest assured, that much of 
the future happiness of the ofl&cers and men will depend upon 
the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them, 
when they are mingled with the great body of the community. 
And although the General has so frequently given it as his 
opinion, in tlie most public and explicit manner, that unless the 
principles of the federal government were properly supported, 
and the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, 
and justice of the nation would be lost forever, yet he cannot 
help repeating on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, 
and leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every 
soldier who may view the subject in the same serious point of 
light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow- 
citizens towards effecting these great and valuable purposes 
on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends. 
'' Tiic Commander-in-Chief conceives little now wanting to 
enable the soldier to change the military character into that 
of a citizen, but that steady, decent tenor of behavior, which 
has generally distinguished not only the army under his imme- 
diate* command, but the different detachments and separate 



60 

armies, through the course of the war. From their good 
sense and prudence, he anticipated the happiest results, and 
while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which 
renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he 
wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under 
for the assistance he has received from every class, and in 
every instance where it was required. He presents his thanks 
in the most serious and affectionate manner to the general 
officers, as well for their counsel, on many interesting occasions, 
as for their ardor in promoting the success of tlie plans he 
has adopted ; to the commandants of regiments and corps, 
and to the officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his 
orders promptly into execution ; to the staff, for their alacrity 
and exactness in performing the duties of their several depart- 
ments ; and to the non-commissioned officers, and private sol- 
diers, for their extraordinary patience in suffering, as well as 
their invincible fortitude in action. To all the branches of 
the army, the General takes this last and solemn opportunity 
of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He 
wishes more than bare professions were in his power, and that 
he was really able to be useful to them in future life. He flat- 
ters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, 
that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has 
been done. And being now about to conclude these his last 
public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of 
the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies 
he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again 
offer, in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful 
country, and his prayers to the God of America. May ample 
justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's 
favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the 
divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for otliers. 
With these wishes, and this benediction, the Commander-in- 
Chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separa- 
tion will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him Avill 
be closed forever." 

These were the closing general orders, issued to the armies 
of the United States, at the close of a war of eight yea)-^' con- 



61 

tinuance, prosociitcd for tlic most glorious object for "which 
freemen contend, attended with more appalling- hardships and 
sufferings than have heretofore been borne by any body of 
military men ; sustained with more firmness and perseverance 
than history accords to any other army, and finally termina- 
ting in the complete attainment of the glorious prize for which 
they contended, viz., the Independence of the United States of 
America. No language can express the feelings of the army 
when the foregoing general orders were read. The most 
hardy soldiers were unable to restrain the copious flood of 
tears ; and to some of us, who had been honored with peculiar 
tokens of confidence and favor, the scene was absolutely over- 
whelming. For myself, the thought of being separated from 
my General, whom I lovCd with filial affection, and obeyed 
with perfect readiness and delight, was heart-rending in the 
extreme. The scene is quite vivid to my recollection now, 
more than forty-five years since it took place. No change of 
situation, no engagements in business, nor any new friendships 
have over been permitted to abate that liigli regard, tliat pro- 
found res[iect, that ardor of affection, and that entire devotion 
of all my jiowers to the views and wislics of this illustrious 
man. I h»v(Ml and venerated him througli life, I most severely 
lamented his sudden and untimely death, and should greatly 
rejoice to be able to imitate, in some humble degree, his great 
example. 

Before I close the scenes of my military life, I must revert 
to the Sunnner of 1783, after the preliminary articles of peace 
had been announced. As little doubt could be entertained but 
that peace would soon follow, I found it necessary to take some 
steps to insure the safety of several persons within the enemy's 
lines, who had served us faithfully and with intelligence during 
the war. As some of these were considered to be of the Tory 
character, wlio would be very obnoxious when the British army 
shoidd depart. I suggested to Gen. Washington the propriety 
of my being permitted to go to New York, under the cover of 
a flag. This he very readily granted, and I proceeded to New 
York, where I was surrounded by British troops, tories, cow- 
boys, and traitors. By the officers of the army and navy 



62 

I was treated with great respect and attention, and especially 
by the Commander-in-Chief, Gen. Carlton, at whose table I 
dined with the commanding officers of the navy, and others of 
high distinction. It was not a little amusing, to see how men, 
tories and refugees, who a little before uttered nothing but the 
terms, rebels and traitors to their King, against all the officers 
of the American army, would now come around me while 
in New York, and beg my protection against the dreaded 
rage of their countrymen. But I knew them too well to^ 
make any promises. 

While at New York, I saw and secured all who had been 
friendly to us through the war, and especially our emissaries, 
so that not one instance occurred of any abuse, after we took 
possession of the city, where protection was given or engaged. 

Having accomplished all my business in New York. I return- 
ed again to the army, and made my report to the Commander-in- 
Chief. The troops now began to be impatient to return to 
their respective homes, and tliose that were destined for that 
purpose, to take possession of the city. Gen. Washington 
now dismissed the greater part of tlie army in so judicious a 
Avay, that no unpleasant circumstances occurred. The 25th of 
November, 1783, was appointed for the British troops to evac- 
uate the city, and for the American troops to take possession of 
it. Gen. Knox, at the head of a select corps of American 
troops, entered the city as tlie rear of the British troops em- 
barked ; soon after which the Commander-in-Chief, accompa- 
nied by Gov. Clinton and their respective suites, made their pub- 
lic entry into the city on horseback, followed by the Lieut.-Gov- 
ernor and members of the Council. The officers of tlic army, eight 
abreast, and citizens on horseback, eight abreast, accompanied 
by the Speaker of the Assembly, and citizens on foot eight 
abreast, followed after the Commander-in-Chief and Gov. Clin- 
ton. So perfect was the order of march, that entire tranquil- 
ity prevailed, and nothing occurred to mar the general joy. 
Every countenance seemed to express the triumph of repub- 
lican principles over the military despotism which had so long 
pervaded this now happy city. Most of the refugees had em- 
barked for Nova Scotia, and the few who remained, were too 



63 

in:iiu,niricunt to be noticed in tlic crowd. It was indeed a joy- 
ful day to the officers and soldiers of our army, and to all the 
friends of American independence, while the troops of the 
enemy, still in our waters, and the host of torics and refugees 
were sorely mortilied. 'Jlic joy of meeting friends, who had 
long been separated Ijy the cruel rigors of war, cannot be 
described. 

Governor Clinton gave a public dinner, at wliich Gen. 
Washington and the principal officers of the army, citizens, 
etc., were ])resent. On the Tuesday evening following, there 
was a most splendid display of lire-works, at the lower part of 
Broadway, near the Bowling Green. It far exceeded anything 
I had ever seen in my life. 

The time now drew near Avhcn the Commander-in-Chief in- 
tended to leave this part of the country for his beloved retreat 
at Mount Vernon. On Tuesday, the 4th of December, it was 
made known to the officers then in New York, that Gen. Wash- 
ington intended to commence his journey on that day. At 12 
o'clock the officers repaired to Frauds' Tavern, in Pearl Street, 
where Gen. Washington had~'appointed to meet them, and to 
take his final leave of them. We had been assembled but a 
few moments, when His Excellency entered the room. His 
emotion, too strong to be concealed, seemed to be recip- 
I'ocated by every officer present. After partaking of a slight 
refreshment, in almost breathless silence, the General filled 
his glass with wine, and turning to the officers, he said : 
" With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of 
you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as 
prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious 
and honorable." 

After the officers had taken a glass of wine. Gen. Washing- 
ton said : " I cannot come to each of you, but shall feel obliged 
if each of you will come and take me by the hand.'' 

Gen. Knox being nearest to him, turned to the Commandcr- 
in Chief, who. suft'used in tears, was incapable of utterance, but 
grasped his hand ; when they embraced each other in silence. 
In the same affectionate manner, every officer in the room 
marched up to. kissed, and parted with his General-in-Chief. 



64 

Such a scene of sorrow and weeping I liad never before wit- 
nessed, and hope I may never be called upon to witness again. 
It was indeed too affecting to be of long continuance — for tears 
of deep sensibility filled every eye — and the heart seemed so 
full, that it was ready to burst from its wonted abode. Not a 
word was uttered to break the solemn silence that prevailed, 
or to interrupt the tenderness of the interesting scene. The 
simple thoufrJit that we were then about to part from the man 
who had conducted us through a long and bloody war, and 
under whose conduct the glory and independence of our coun- 
try had been achieved, and that we should see his face no more 
in this world, seemed to me utterly insupportable. But the 
time of separation had come, and waiving his hand to his griev- 
ing children around him, he left the room, and passing through 
a corps of light infantry who were paraded to receive him, he 
walked silently on to AVhitehall, where a barge was in 
waiting. We all followed in mournful silence to the wharf, 
where a prodigious crowd had assembled to witness the depart- 
ure of the man who, under God, had been the great agent in 
establishing the glory and independence of these United States. 
As soon as he was seated, the barge put off into the river, and 
when out in the stream, our great and beloved General waived 
his hat, and bid us a silent adieu. 

We paid him the same affectionate compliment, and then re- 
turned to the same hotel whence Gen. Washington had so 
recently departed. Thus closed one of the most interesting 
and affecting scenes that I ever witnessed — a scene so fraught 
with feeling, that it seemed for a time as if it never could be 
erased from vivid and constant reflection. But, such is tlie 
wise constitution of human nature, that other objects and pur- 
suits occupy the mind and engross the attention, or life would 
become a burden too heavy to bear. 

In a few days, all the officers who had assembled at New 
York to participate in the foregoing heart-rending scene, de- 
parted to their several places of abode, to commence anew 
their avocations for life. 

Having for seven years been banished from the home of my 
father, at Brookhaven, in Suffolk county, on Long Island, I de- 



65 

termined to visit tlic ]»lacc of my uativity. Accordingly, I 
set out to pay my respects to my honored father and friends at 
Brookliavcn aforesaid. Being principally Whigs, and now 
emancipated from their late severe bondage, tlie people had 
determined that they would celebrate the occasion by some 
public demonstration of their joy. They therefore concluded 
to have public notice given, that on a day near at hand, tliey 
would have an ox roasted whole on the public green, to partake 
of which all were invited to attend. I remember well, that 
al'tcr a most joyful meeting with my former friends (many of 
whom I liad not seen since the war commenced), I was ap- 
pointed master of ceremonies for the occasion. When the ox 
was well roasted, the noble animal on his spit was removed 
to a proper place, and after a blessing from the God of Battles 
had been invoked by my honored father, I began to carve, dis- 
sect, and distribute to the multitude around me. The aged 
and the young, the male and the female, rejoiced to receive a 
portion, which, from the novelty of the scene, and being in com- 
memoration of so great an event, obtained a peculiar zest. All 
was harmony and joy, for all seemed to be of one mind. 

A Tory could not have lived in that atmosphere one minute. 
By sunset the whole concourse — a vast multitude — dispersed 
and returned to their own homes in quietness and peace. The 
joy of the Whig population through the island was literally 
unbouuded, nor could it be expected that tlieir Tory neigh- 
bors would escape, unnoticed, through such a scene of re- 
joicing after victory. In some instances private satisfac- 
tion was taken in a pretty summary manner, but in most cases 
the milder process of law was resorted to and maintained. 

From this most pleasing scene of liberality and public re- 
joicing, 1 concluded to take a ride quite to the East end of 
Long Island, Suffolk county, which embraces much the greatest 
part of Long Island, and had been well known to be friendly 
to the American cause. For this they had suffered much from 
the British troops, as well as from their adherents. In my jour- 
ney down the island, my reception by tiie inhabitants was most 
gratifying. Private hospitality and public honor were most 
6 



66 

liberally bestowed on any man who had served in the revolu- 
tionary army. 

The Autumn and Winter of 1783 were devoted very much 
to these most pleasing and delightful visitations. Among 
others (not the least pleasant and interesting) were those 
which secured to me a companion and friend, the most desir- 
able, in my view, had I been privileged with a choice 
from her whole sex. After visiting Connecticut, and arrang- 
ing and settling my plans for mercantile life, in the place 
where I now reside, on the 18th of March, 1784, I led Miss 
Floyd to the hymenial altar, and commenced the life and 
duties of a married man. She was the eldest daughter of the 
Hon. William Floyd, of Mastic, Long Island. He was a man 
of very extensive landed possessions on the island, but having 
actively engaged on the side and in the cause of his country, 
he was obliged to abandon his estates, and was a member of 
Congress through the war. As soon as peace was proclaimed, 
he, with many others who had'left their property in the hands 
or under the control of tlie common enemy, returned to their 
homes. These they found, for the most part, sadly changed for 
the worse. But it was very comforting to all who had suffered 
this voluntar}' banishment from their own soil, once more to 
place the soles of their feet upon it. The nuptials of Miss 
Floyd and myself were solemnized on the 18th of March, 1784, 
my honored father officiating, when Gen. Floyd gave a most 
sumptuous entertainment to a great number of invited guests. 

Soon after our marriage, we paid a visit to New York, 
where we found a great number of friends, with whom we 
spent a few weeks very pleasantly. We were treated with 
great hospitality by the family of Mr. Joseph Hallett, at 
whose hospitable abode we were invited to take up our lodg- 
ings. After this visit was ended, we returned back to Mastic, 
calling on our friends on the North side of Long Island and on 
Shelter Island, whom we wished to see before we departed to 
our abode at Litchfield, Connecticut. We took a jaunt down 
the island, which was considered rather as a parting visit. In 
this also we had a very pleasant journey, and time seemed to 

L.oFC. 



G7 

glide insensibly away, which brought us every day nearer to 
the period when we expected to bid Long Island a final adieu 
as our home. Indeed, I had not made it my place of residence 
since I entered college in the year 1769, and as for my beloved 
partner, she had never seen her father's house since the family 
left it in the year 177(5, Avhcn the British troops took posses- 
sion of it and Ncav York. 

1784. Having now closed the scenes of my military life with 
the past year, which had l)cen of almost eight years' continu- 
ance, and being about to commence an entirely new pursuit, 
most probably for life, a few reflections very naturally arise in 
my mind, in reviewing the subject. In the first place, the 
contemplation of the momentous events of the revolutionary 
war, in which 1 had taken somehumljle part, fills my mind with 
wonder and astonishment. When I reflect on the condition of 
these colonies when the liattles of Lexington and Bunker Hill 
were fought, and the first hostile gun was fired, compared with 
that of Great Britain — our enemy — it looks almost like mad- 
ness to have ventured on the mighty conflict, and little less 
than a miracle that we were sustained through such a bloody 
war, and finally came out of it completely victorious. 2nd. 
When I reflect upon the hardships and dangers to which I 
was exposed in such a conflict, and the very peculiar hazards 
which befell me at times in the execution of duties which de- 
volved upon me, aside from those that are common to a mili- 
tary life, I can scarcely credit my recollections on this subject. 
But when I further reflect that, in all tlie general battles that 
were fought, when the 'Jiid Regiment of Light Dragoons took 
a part, I never failetl to be at the head of my corps, and more 
especially that in many separate enterprises in which I was en- 
gaged, and in which I had the sole responsibility and com- 
mand, attended Avith peculiar dangers, both on the land and 
by water, and that through the whole my life has not only been 
preserved, but I have never received a dangerous wound, nor 
had a single bone broken, I seem to myself a singular instance of 
the Divine protection and care. 

In this review of the special mercies of God vouchsafed to 
me, I desire most devoutly to adore and l)less His protecting 



68 

hand, and call on my soul and every faculty that I possess to 
adore and praise my Divine Benefactor. 

3rd. In addition to the protection of a merciful Providence, 
I would notice the peculiar marks of attention which I uni- 
formly received from the Commander-in-Chief through the 
war. Having been early and personally acquainted with this 
great man, I held him in high veneration, and when he ap- 
pointed me, or rather requested me to take charge of a par- 
ticular pari of his private correspondence, this brouglit us into 
frequent and intimate correspondence. His approbation of 
my conduct, on many occasions, expressed l)oth publicly and 
privately by letter, together with the favorable expression of 
Congress, afibrded me the highest satisfaction that a soldier 
could receive. 

4th. Among all tlie vices and false i)ursuits to which the 
military life is liable, perhaps none is more prominent than 
dueling. Having early imbibed the sentiment, that no man 
had a right to expose his life in this manner, I openly avowed 
my opinion, and yet amidst all the clashing of interests and 
opinions to which we were exposed, I never was called upon 
to defend my honor by this heaven-daring resort. 

I always determined that I never would be guilty of this 
murderous sin, and yet I am not conscious that any man ever 
thought me to be a coward. For this early imbibed opinion 
and subsequent restraining conduct, I desire most humbly and 
devoutly to adore and bless God. 

BENJAMIN TALLMADGE. 



69 



REMARKS 



The roiouoiiig- memoir wa.s prcparetl by my venerable parent, 
and I will l»rielly add, that Col. Tallmadoe continued to reside 
in Litchfield, Connecticut, until his death, wliic-h occurred on 
the 7th of March, 1835 ; havint;- lost my mother on the 3rd 
of June, 1805, leaving five sons and two daughters. 

On the 3rd of May, 1808, he married the daughter of Joseph 
llallett, Esq., of the city of New York, who survived him but a 
few years. 

Col. Tallmadgc, after the close of the revolution, engaged 
extensively in commercial pursuits in Litchfield, Connecticut, 
and elsewhere. In 1800, he Avas elected a Representative in 
Congress from the State of Connecticut, and was continued by 
successive elections as such Representative, until 1816, when 
he declined a further election. In 1812, he was tendered by 
President Madison a high and prominent command in the 
Nortiicrn division of the army of the United States, which he 
declined. 

At the formation of the Society of the Cincinnati for the 
State of Connecticut, he was elected their Treasurer and then 
President, and continued as such until their dissolution. 

After leaving Congress, Col. Tallmadge was appointed the 
President of a Banking Institution at Litchfield, which, with his 
domestic duties, afforded him sufficient occupation for his de- 
clining years. He died at the mature age of 82 years, crowned 
by all the temporal honors that the most ambitious could covet, 
and, as we trust, realizing on his separation from life, that 



70 

higher crown of glory which seemed to be the highest ambition 
of his well-spent life. 

During his long official life, he became associated with most 
of the distinguished men of our country, and enjoyed the respect 
and confidence of the Quincys, the Pickerings, the Trumbulls, 
the Morrises, the Rutledges, the Griswolds, and the Bayards 
of that day. 

It was a source of great pleasure to Col. Tallmadge to meet 
witli the companions of his revolutionary struggles, and many 
now recollect the interesting and affectionate interview that 
occurred between himself and Lafayette, at New Haven, on his 
late visit to this country after so many years of separation. 
They embraced and wept at the interview when they recurred 
to the trying scenes through which they had passed in the arden- 
cy of youth, and that they were severally blessed by the grate- 
ful feelings of their countrymen, and the most distinguished 
notice of our government. 

F. A. TALLMADGE. 



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